tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-202204632024-03-18T13:26:39.025+05:30Refugee Watch Online(A Co-Publication of Refugee Watch)Refugee Watch Onlinehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03064436275994106376noreply@blogger.comBlogger373125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-20220463.post-15700296152783542842017-03-07T21:33:00.001+05:302017-03-07T21:35:30.637+05:30We have moved!<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<span style="font-size: x-large;">This blog has now moved to </span><br />
<span style="font-size: x-large;"><a href="http://refugeewatchonline.wordpress.com/">refugeewatchonline.wordpress.com</a>.</span><br />
<span style="font-size: x-large;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-size: x-large;">Keep on writing to us at refugeewatchonline@gmail.com. </span><br />
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refugeewatchonlinehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/01113087658775775517noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-20220463.post-57148621222301952242017-02-22T11:53:00.001+05:302017-02-22T11:57:48.888+05:30More on US Immigration Ban <div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
This piece is on the 'The disastrous ripple effects of Trump’s executive action on refugee resettlement'. For more, read on -<br />
<a href="https://www.brookings.edu/blog/order-from-chaos/2017/01/26/the-disastrous-ripple-effects-of-trumps-executive-action-on-refugee-resettlement/">https://www.brookings.edu/blog/order-from-chaos/2017/01/26/the-disastrous-ripple-effects-of-trumps-executive-action-on-refugee-resettlement/</a><br />
<br />
You can also check an interesting map, on US Immigration History here - <a href="http://metrocosm.com/us-immigration-history-map.html">http://metrocosm.com/us-immigration-history-map.html</a></div>
Refugee Watch Onlinehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03064436275994106376noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-20220463.post-35159756844145109832017-02-21T17:37:00.000+05:302017-02-21T17:55:05.585+05:30A Letter - On Rohingyas by the Asian Centre For Human Rights (ACHR)<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: x-small;"><span style="color: #222222;">[Comments could be mailed to - </span><span style="color: #222222; text-align: center;"> </span><span style="color: #222222; text-align: center;"><span style="color: #1155cc; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"><a href="mailto:secretariat@achrweb.org" target="_blank">secretariat@achrweb.org</a> ; </span></span><span style="color: #222222; text-align: center;">Web site:</span><span style="color: #222222; text-align: center;"> </span><span style="color: #222222; text-align: center;"><span style="color: #1155cc; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"><a href="http://www.achrweb.org/" target="_blank">www.achrweb.org</a>]</span></span></span><br />
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<span style="color: #222222;"><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: x-small;"> 20th February 2017</span></span><br />
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<span style="color: #222222; font-family: georgia, 'times new roman', serif; font-size: x-small;">The United Nations Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, Ms Yanghee Lee, isundertaking a visit to various locations of the Rohingya refugees in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh from today, i.e. 20th February to 23 Febuary 2017 to examine human rights violations on the Rohingyas.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: x-small;"><span style="color: #222222;">In its submission to the Special Rapporteur titled"</span><i><span style="color: #222222;"><a href="http://www.achrweb.org/briefingpapers/RohingyaRefugees-BP-01-17.html" target="_blank"><span style="color: #1155cc;">Rohingya refugees of Myanmar:
Bangladesh is facilitating ethnic cleansing of the Rohingyas in Arakan and
indigenous Jumma peoples in the CHTs by using the fleeing Rohingyas</span></a></span></i><span style="color: #222222;">" (<a href="http://www.achrweb.org/briefingpapers/RohingyaRefugees-BP-01-17.html" target="_blank"><span style="color: #1155cc; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">http://www.achrweb.org/briefingpapers/RohingyaRefugees-BP-01-17.html</span></a>),
Asian Centre for Human Rights (ACHR) stated that while gross human rights
violations against the Rohingyas must be investigated but the UN human rights
mechanisms cannot be oblivious to the Buddhists of the Chittagong Hill Tracts
(CHTs) being made into a minority in their own land by the permanent settlement
of the Rohingya refugees by the Government of Bangladesh as part of its racist
policy againts indigenous peoples of the CHTs. The Rohingyas who belong
to the same stock of people as the majority Muslim population of Bangladesh have
already become majority in Bandarban district of the CHTs and have been
involved in grabbing the lands of indigenous Buddhists and attacks on Buddhists
monks and Buddhist temples in the CHTs.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="color: #222222;"><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: x-small;">Most in the international community has taken "Symptomatic
Approach" to the Rohingya refugee crisis, viewed the Rohingya refugee
issue only from "Rohingya/Arakan tunnel" and have failed to conduct
local impact assessment on the settlement of the Rohingya refugees on the
local/indigenous communities of the CHTs. The UNHCR which has access to
Nayapara and Kutupalong camps in Cox’s Bazar district and is required to
conduct local impact assessment essentially remained a mute witness since
1992. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="color: #222222;"><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: x-small;">1. Current influx and ACHR's findings from the field visit to
Rohingya refugees at Ukhia in January 2017<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="color: #222222;"><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: x-small;">The current influx of the Rohingya refugees started following
the attacks on the Border Guard Police of Myanmar in Rakhine State on 9th
October 2016 by the Rohingya insurgents in which nine Myanmar police officers
were killed. The United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human
Rights (OHCHR) reporting about “mass gang-rape, killings – including of babies
and young children, brutal beatings, disappearances and other serious human
rights violations by Myanmar’s security forces in a sealed-off area north of
Maungdaw in northern Rakhine State”. By the end of January 2017, the United
Nations was quoted of reporting influx of 65,000 new Rohingya refugees since
October 2016.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="color: #222222;"><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: x-small;">From 13-15 January 2017, researchers of of ACHR visited
Rohingya refugees who had taken shelter under Ukhia Subdivision under Cox’s
Bazaar. ACHR researchers found that the Rohingyas refugees are living in
self-made make shift camps and have no intention to return to Myanmar in the
light of the gross human rights violations and absolute lack of guarantees
against non-repetition of human rights violations by the Myanmar's security
forces. At the same time, the Government of Bangladesh is neither registering
them nor issuing identity cards to record their origin which is indispensable
for repatriation to Myanmar. There is no intention on the part of the
Government of Bangladesh to repatriate the Rohingya refugees while Myanmar
shamefully agreed to take back less 2,500 Rohingya refugees.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="color: #222222;"><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: x-small;">This calls of local impact assessment since influx of the
Rohingya refugees from 1992.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="color: #222222;"><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: x-small;">2. From refugees to rulers: The case of the Rohingya refugees
becoming effective rulers over the Bangladeshi Rakhines i.e. Marmas in
Bandarban district of the CHTs <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="color: #222222;"><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: x-small;">The latest influx takes the number of Rohingya refugees in
Bangladesh to about 6,00,000 i.e. upto 500,000 undocumented Rohingya refugees
living outside the official camps as per UNCHR in 2014, 32,000 refugees living
in the Nayapara and Kutupalong camps in Cox’s Bazar district as per UNHCR in
2014 and 65,000 refugees who arrived since October 2016.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="color: #222222;"><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: x-small;">Majority of these refugees settled in the CHTs. This is
confirmed by the fact the national survey of the Rohingya refugees conducted by
the Government of Bangladesh from 2 to 14 June 2016 focused all the three
districts of the CHTs out of the six districts i.e. Cox’s Bazar, Rangamati,
Bandarban, Khagrachari, Chittagong and Patuakhali. Out of these districts,
Rangamati, Bandarban, Khagrachari are part of the CHTs Regional Council while
two remaining districts i.e. Cox’s Bazaar and Chittagong are bordering
districts of the CHTs region. The Government of Bangladesh has refused to
disclose the number of Rohingya refugees in these districts as none outside the
Nayapara and Kutupalong camps claimed as Rohingyas.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="color: #222222;"><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: x-small;">The influx of the Rohingya refugees started in 1992 and as per
the census of Bangladesh, the population of Bandarban district increased from
157,301 persons as per 1991 census to 298,120 persons as per 2001 census i.e.
an increase of 90% against decadal growth rate of 17% in entire Bangladesh
during the same period. In a submission under the Universal Period Review of
the UN Human Rights Council, the Asia Indigenous Peoples Pact claimed that over
15,000 families of the Rohingya refugees (i.e. about 105,000 persons) had been
settled in Nakkhyangchari, Ruma, Lama, Alikadam and Sadar area of Bandarban
district with direct support from the authorities of the Government of
Bangladesh. The Marma people whose population is less than 100,000 have already
been reduced to minorities.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="color: #222222;"><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: x-small;">Paritosh Chakma<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="color: #222222;"><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: x-small;">ACHR<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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Refugee Watch Onlinehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03064436275994106376noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-20220463.post-4984946753111262282017-02-21T16:14:00.002+05:302017-02-21T16:19:49.055+05:30Can E.U. Shift Migrant Crisis to the Source? In Libya, the Odds Are Long<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhD6X7wORhHm6X9MjEWdkupABSi-hf9_URIwq9aj0GNBX2Do4raZqC97G8fWvXnZHcMS2TS0ptAGt_odC27pkpgSlV_wiegF1IKa9aS0yteH7MA3GMCUyPCzxBMAHsbjLLt3lu5oQ/s1600/Boat.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="213" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhD6X7wORhHm6X9MjEWdkupABSi-hf9_URIwq9aj0GNBX2Do4raZqC97G8fWvXnZHcMS2TS0ptAGt_odC27pkpgSlV_wiegF1IKa9aS0yteH7MA3GMCUyPCzxBMAHsbjLLt3lu5oQ/s320/Boat.jpg" width="320" /></a></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; text-align: justify;">This is an interesting read on how officers in the Libyan Coast Guards were trained by the Italians to intercept and rescue migrant boats near the Libyan coast before reaching international waters. Normally, if European forces intercept migrants, then they should be taken to Italy. But if Libyans pick them up from their water, then they can be taken to Libya instead. You can find the detail of the news in - </span><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2017/02/17/world/europe/can-eu-shift-migrant-crisis-to-the-source-in-libya-the-odds-are-long.html?rref=collection%2Fsectioncollection%2Fworld&action=click&contentCollection=world%C2%AEion=rank&module=package&version=highlights&contentPlacement=1&pgtype=sectionfront" style="text-align: right;">Can E.U. Shift Migrant Crisis to the Source? In Libya, the Odds Are Long</a></div>
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Refugee Watch Onlinehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03064436275994106376noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-20220463.post-50996195915924086362017-02-03T11:00:00.000+05:302017-02-21T14:15:30.485+05:30Moral Bankruptcy of Trump’s Muslim Ban<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 11pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Ravi
Arvind Palat</span></span><br />
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 11pt;">(Professor, Department of Sociology, Binghamton University. He can be reached at palat@binghamton.edu)</span><br />
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 11pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">It is hard
to think of a more morally bankrupt, intellectually dishonest, and politically
mendacious policy than President Trump’s executive order “Protecting the nation
from foreign terrorist entry into the United States.” It barred the immigrant
or non-immigrant entry into the United States from seven Muslim-majority
countries—Iran, Iraq, Syria, Yemen, Sudan, Somalia, and Libya—for 90 days
except for Christian minorities. This ban applied initially also to US legal
permanent residents (LPR) who were born in these countries. And it barred the
entry of refugees from Syria for 120 days.</span><span style="font-family: "garamond" , serif;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 11pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">It is
morally bankrupt because LPR or ‘green card’ holders are subject to most rights
of US citizens including the right not to be discriminated against and the ability
to serve in the military. The executive order would have banned a serving US
military officer from returning to the country after fighting in one of the
numerous wars the US is waging if she or he had been born in one of the seven
‘countries of concern.’ It is telling these warriors that they can shed blood
for the United States but cannot enter it. Is there anything more morally
bankrupt than this?<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 11pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The 1951
Geneva Convention on Refugees of which the US is a signatory obligates
countries to take in refugees from wars on humanitarian grounds. As an
international treaty it has the force of law within this country. Admission of
refugees, especially from Syria, is a rigorous process. As is made clear in the
official State department website (<a href="https://www.state.gov/j/prm/ra/admissions/">https://www.state.gov/j/prm/ra/admissions/</a>),
processing of applications can take 18-24 months. But for many, it takes much
longer. Five years after Sgt. Ali Alsaeedy of the 82nd Airborne division filed
refugee papers for his parents—five long years during which his father
died—when his mother, Hamidyah Al Saeedi finally landed in New York’s JFK
airport last Saturday, she was held for 33 hours, handcuffed for some of the
time, and released only after her son procured a habeas petition. Can there be
anything more morally bankrupt than this?<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 11pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Many of the
refugees from Iraq are people, like Sgt.Alsaeedy, who had first worked for the
US, saved US lives, and because of that, their own lives became vulnerable.
Doesn’t the US have a moral obligation to these people? Is it morally
acceptable to ban them and their aged parents? Or to hold them at airports for
long? Nada, a Yazidi woman whose husband, Khalas, was an interpreter for the US
forces in Iraq was turned back from boarding a flight in Dubai to come and join
her husband in Washington, DC because of President Trump’s executive order. She
was bundled into a plane back to Iraq where her fate is anything but certain.
Can there be anything more morally bankrupt than this?<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 11pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Another
Yazidi woman, VianDakhil, the only Yazidi member of the Iraqi parliament who
had pleaded with the world to save her people from extinction at the hands of
ISIS was to arrive in Washington to receive the Lantos Human Rights prize at
the Capitol—a prize named after Congressman Tom Lantos, the only Holocaust
survivor to serve in the US Congress. Yet she is barred by the executive order
from boarding a plane to receive the award. Can there be anything more morally
bankrupt than this?<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 11pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">We must also
investigate how the refugees were created. Take the case of Libya—it was ruled
by an autocrat but it also had high levels of income and standards of living.
It blocked migrants from Africa crossing the Mediterranean. When a small
rebellion broke out, US led airstrikes on the country which destroyed its infrastructure,
killed its dictator, and led to the country being partitioned by warlords. This
was the cause of the refugee crisis. In Yemen, the US and the UK supplied Saudi
Arabia with munitions to intervene in a civil war that created the refugees. In
Iraq, again, the 2003 invasion by US-led forces on the blatantly false claim
that the country was stockpiling weapons of mass destruction, destabilized the
country and led to the flow of refugees. If the actions of the US directly
created refugees, on humanitarian grounds does this country not have a
responsibility to care for them?<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 11pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">When
Candidate Trump called for a total ban on Muslims entering the United States in
December 2015, Mike Pence, then governor of Indiana called it “offensive and
unconstitutional.” House Speaker Paul Ryan railed against Trump’s call for a
ban on Muslims coming to this country. Senate Majority Leader, Mitch McConnell
said it was “completely and totally inconsistent with American values.” And
General Mattis, the new Defence Secretary, said that a ban on Muslims would
make allies think “we have lost faith in reason.” Yet, today these intellectual
titans are all offering support to the president. Can there be anything more
morally bankrupt, intellectually dishonest, and politically mendacious than
this?<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 11pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">In the last
40 years, not a single US citizen has been killed in North America by a citizen
of the seven ‘countries of concern’ named in the executive order. Citizens of
Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Egypt, and Lebanon have been responsible
for over 3000 deaths, chiefly from 9/11. Yet, nationals from these countries
are not included in the exclusion order. Strangely enough, the Trump
Organization has investments in most of these countries but not in the
‘countries of concern.’ Can there be anything more morally bankrupt,
intellectually dishonest, and politically mendacious than this?<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 11pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">If the media
and the Democrats have been relentless in critiquing the executive order, it is
important to recall that the order itself did not refer to the seven countries;
it barred the entry into the US “of aliens from countries referred to in
section 217(a)(12) of the INA, 8 U.S.C. 1187(a)(12).” This referred to the
Omnibus Appropriations Act of Fiscal Year 2016 signed into law by President
Obama in December 2015. It was the Obama administration which initially
highlighted problems with individuals from these countries—and as we have seen
none of them have been responsible for acts of ‘terrorism’ in the United
States.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 11pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 11pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Even
earlier, after the Oklahoma City bombing in 1995—the perpetrators of which were
white Christian Americans—<a href="https://www.blogger.com/null" name="_GoBack"></a>President Clinton pushed the
Antiterrorism and Effective Death Penalty Act which was the first legislation
to authorize fast-track deportation of refugees and even LPR. The Democrats, in
other words, created the laws that enabled President Trump to issue his
Islamophobic executive order. It is intellectually dishonest for news media to
blank out this information in its report of President Trump’s executive order.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 11pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">
</span></span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 11pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">In short,
the executive order violates international and US domestic law: there can be no
religious exceptions to immigration; signatories to the Geneva Convention have
an obligation to extend protection on a humanitarian basis. Violating these
legal obligations underlines the United States’ position as an exceptional
nation: an exceptionally morally bankrupt one.</span><span style="font-family: "garamond" , serif;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
Refugee Watch Onlinehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03064436275994106376noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-20220463.post-3063341572226494112017-02-02T15:51:00.000+05:302017-02-21T14:16:35.166+05:30More on, No to US Immigration Policy.<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhonI70FbuG3d5hUy5qhtKBWsWO5maIpks9TRizpvry8ZEebHHsJAK0D0IMBJHZy-5x3zdc-Tg6U1SYq1xVVLchYqtQ7uXgNDkMWPEJEjue0lHOZ819F3Du_7cYSVm4H5_LSflHxQ/s1600/Walden+Bello.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="176" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhonI70FbuG3d5hUy5qhtKBWsWO5maIpks9TRizpvry8ZEebHHsJAK0D0IMBJHZy-5x3zdc-Tg6U1SYq1xVVLchYqtQ7uXgNDkMWPEJEjue0lHOZ819F3Du_7cYSVm4H5_LSflHxQ/s200/Walden+Bello.jpg" width="200" /></a></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Here is a news piece by Walden Bello on Trump's recent immigration ban that hardly is a national security concern. He says, the Philippine government should vocally,publicly condemn this ban on immigration on the pretext of national security, or else it will soon affect citizens across the globe, including Philippines' citizens.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: left;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">To read the article, please go to - <a href="http://www.rappler.com/thought-leaders/160023-trump-immigration-ban-not-about-national-security">Trump's ban: It's not about national security</a></span></div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhE2aHOEJvAT2j3iB79YHE30CHRRLg0Z8dFDiWoRI3rbXlWxGVgTDsNbNhAzjTzU3oapPTd6XEs-9RMVJDhkiHtMD8i_AInDQlKsEslBE8Dd0kfgWZNWcKaWi_q9UaAdj13NcCQDQ/s1600/immigration+ban.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="213" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhE2aHOEJvAT2j3iB79YHE30CHRRLg0Z8dFDiWoRI3rbXlWxGVgTDsNbNhAzjTzU3oapPTd6XEs-9RMVJDhkiHtMD8i_AInDQlKsEslBE8Dd0kfgWZNWcKaWi_q9UaAdj13NcCQDQ/s320/immigration+ban.jpg" width="320" /></a></div>
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Refugee Watch Onlinehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03064436275994106376noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-20220463.post-77632710461185711632017-02-01T08:23:00.000+05:302017-02-01T08:23:40.997+05:30No to Immigration Ban<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">Five days ago, the new American President, Donald Trump, signed an executive order proposing a 90 day suspension of visas for people belonging to seven countries. </span><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhBqEWX5YWLiPHQsuuIIWNltHydeEKtUbdab0WeONMicc7mREsHkd_3cnAShciYhbxILCDPWtahkd-1Z5Yduw9zdgtk31rxNdPC7RPf-3pqM8KgvKvBYMp6RZhWKcuttGp5_3xeBg/s1600/29-anti-travel-ban-protest-nyc.w710.h473.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="213" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhBqEWX5YWLiPHQsuuIIWNltHydeEKtUbdab0WeONMicc7mREsHkd_3cnAShciYhbxILCDPWtahkd-1Z5Yduw9zdgtk31rxNdPC7RPf-3pqM8KgvKvBYMp6RZhWKcuttGp5_3xeBg/s320/29-anti-travel-ban-protest-nyc.w710.h473.jpg" width="320" /></a></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">(Photo: <i>The New York Magazine</i>)</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><br /></span><div>
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">While there were widespread protests across the US, the following is the letter by academics against the executive order. </span></div>
<div>
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">The letter is hosted at notoimmigrationban.com, and can be endorsed by sending an email to NoToImmigrationEO@gmail.com</span></div>
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<div style="text-align: center;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><b>The Petition</b></span></div>
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">President Donald Trump has signed an <a href="https://www.scribd.com/document/337740314/Trump-Executive-Order-1" style="color: #121212;" target="_blank">Executive Order</a> (EO) proposing a 90-day suspension of visas and other immigration benefits to all nationals of Iran, Iraq, Syria, Sudan, Yemen, Libya and Somalia. The unrealistic conditions required for discontinuing the suspension make it very likely that this EO will turn into a permanent ban. We, the undersigned academics and researchers from a variety of fields of study, backgrounds, and personal convictions, would like to voice our concern and strongly oppose this measure on three grounds:</span><br />
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><br /></span>
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<div style="background-color: white; color: #424242; line-height: 1.7em; margin-bottom: 28px; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">1. <strong>This Executive Order is discriminatory. </strong>The EO unfairly targets a large group of immigrants and non-immigrants on the basis of their countries of origin, all of which are nations with a majority Muslim population. This is a major step towards implementing the stringent racial and religious profiling promised on the campaign trail. The United States is a democratic nation, and ethnic and religious profiling are in stark contrast to the values and principles we hold.</span></div>
<div style="background-color: white; color: #424242; line-height: 1.7em; margin-bottom: 28px; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">2. <strong>This Executive Order is detrimental to the national interests of the United States. </strong>The EO significantly damages American leadership in higher education and research. US research institutes host a significant number of researchers from the nations subjected to the upcoming restrictions. From Iran alone, more than 3000 students have received PhDs from American universities in the past 3 years. The proposed EO limits collaborations with researchers from these nations by restricting entry of these researchers to the US and can potentially lead to departure of many talented individuals who are current and future researchers and entrepreneurs in the US. We strongly believe the immediate and long term consequences of this EO do not serve our national interests.</span></div>
<div style="background-color: white; color: #424242; line-height: 1.7em; margin-bottom: 28px; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">3. <strong>This Executive Order imposes undue burden on members of our community.</strong> The people whose status in the United States would be reconsidered under this EO are our students, friends, colleagues, and members of our communities. The implementation of this EO will necessarily tear families apart by restricting entry for family members who live outside of the US and limiting the ability to travel for those who reside and work in the US. These restrictions would be applied to nearly all individuals from these countries, regardless of their immigration status or any other circumstances. This measure is fatally disruptive to the lives of these immigrants, their families, and the communities of which they form an integral part. It is inhumane, ineffective, and un-American.</span></div>
<div style="background-color: white; color: #424242; line-height: 1.7em; margin-bottom: 28px; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">These bans, as proposed, have consequences that reach beyond the scope of national security. The unethical and discriminatory treatment of law-abiding, hard-working, and well-integrated immigrants fundamentally contravenes the founding principles of the United States.</span></div>
<div style="background-color: white; color: #424242; line-height: 1.7em; margin-bottom: 28px; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">We strongly denounce this ban and urge the President to reconsider going forward with this Executive Order.</span></div>
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refugeewatchonlinehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/01113087658775775517noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-20220463.post-50980510943058144552017-01-06T11:40:00.002+05:302017-01-09T11:33:16.622+05:30 Dark World of Women Workers in a Modern City<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: white; color: #222222; margin: 0px; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">Arup Kumar Sen</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">[Dr. Arup Kumar Sen works at Serampore College and he can be reached at arupksen@gmail.com]</span></div>
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<span style="line-height: 15.18px;"><i><span style="color: #222222; font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">[Editor's note: On 31st December, new year's eve, Bangalore was witness to wide spread mass-molestation of women. This report on the condition of women garment workers in Bangalore, is a timely reminder that gendered violence is endemic in society, and those at the bottom of the pecking order, are affected by it everyday.]</span></i></span></div>
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<span style="line-height: 15.18px;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: xx-small;"><span style="font-size: large; line-height: 115%;">Bangalore
has earned its fame as the IT capital of India. The headquarters of two IT
giants, Infosys and Wipro, are located in the city. But, a dark side of city
life is seldom discussed in the media. A large percentage of the city’s
population, about 18 percent, live in slums. In addition to the recognized
slums, a large number of poor households live in unrecognized low-income
settlements and urban villages. The story of opulence and that of poverty go
side by side. The recent two day protests by the garment workers in the city
made the dark side of the moon more pronounced. </span></span></span><br />
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<span style="line-height: 15.18px;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: large;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjJGSJQYiVuToo9IM1wRj9k1My2-r_WF82J07EH-p3T2D98VGqYbyUwftf4MvDuPKbFB6-HVtB_t6ja0i38HCsTu6zELbmxbw6IclfFnDtoTBlV_-OLGm-YIrKxvdBaZYLPnsMhxg/s1600/garmentworkersstrikeblore-672x372.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="177" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjJGSJQYiVuToo9IM1wRj9k1My2-r_WF82J07EH-p3T2D98VGqYbyUwftf4MvDuPKbFB6-HVtB_t6ja0i38HCsTu6zELbmxbw6IclfFnDtoTBlV_-OLGm-YIrKxvdBaZYLPnsMhxg/s320/garmentworkersstrikeblore-672x372.jpg" width="320" /></a></span></span></div>
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<span style="line-height: 15.18px;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: xx-small;"><span style="font-size: large; line-height: 115%;">A
notification was made on February 10, 2016 regarding change in the provisions
of the Employees Provident Fund (EPF) Act. The workers feared that this change
would impact them adversely. Their chief concern was that they would not be
able to withdraw employer’s contribution to the Provident Fund corpus until the
retirement age of 58. The garment workers became apprehensive of the new
Ordinance passed by the Central government as they depend on withdrawals from
the Provident Fund for payment of house rent and school fees of children, and
for health-related emergencies and other financial emergencies. This led to the
mass walk-out of “footloose” garment workers from their factories and participation
in a series of spontaneous demonstrations on April 18-19, 2016, in various
parts of Bangalore. It is reported that at least 50000 garment workers, most of
whom were women, participated in the protests. The workers interviewed by an
investigating team stated that peaceful protests turned violent on April 19 due
to police brutality on women workers on day-one. Reportedly, male police
officers started raining blows on the women workers, in spite of their repeated
assurances that they intended to protest peacefully. Based on personal
interviews with garment workers, the investigating team observed that “the
level of brutality exhibited by the police throughout the protest as well as in
the following weeks was due to a calculated effort by the police to create an
atmosphere of fear and intimidation amongst the workers.”<sup>1</sup></span></span></span></div>
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</span></span>
</span><br />
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">In fact,
fear is very much a part of everyday life of garment workers in Bangalore.
There are about 500000 garment workers in the city of Bangalore, working in
big, small and medium-sized factories and producing for global giants including
Wal-Mart, TESCO and Primark. The industry employs mainly women workers, who
constitute around ninety per cent of the total workforce. Deprived of their
right to associate or unionize due to intimidation and reprisals by management,
the space for articulation of protest against workplace harassment and low
payment is very limited.</span><sup style="font-family: verdana, sans-serif;">2</sup><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: large;"> To put it in the words of one woman
worker, “They treat us like dogs”. There are instances of women who committed
suicide to evade their oppression in everyday life. Women aged between 18 and
45 are often found running towards the factory gate to reach just on time.
Otherwise, they face harassment to get permission to work for the day. In a
particular case, a woman worker crashed in the factory gate and got severely
injured. The security men present at the gate did not lift her. She was saved
by her co-workers. In another case, a pregnant woman started feeling unwell
after reporting for duty. She appealed to management for her release at around
10-10.30 am. She was granted leave at around 12.30. Finally, they let her off
at 1pm. With the cooperation of a younger woman, she got into an auto and
became unconscious there after giving birth to a baby, who died for lack of
care. A study of PUCL, Karnataka, in collaboration with other human rights
organizations, bears testimony to multiple oppressions suffered by women
garment workers in Bangalore. The story of oppression as documented in the PUCL
Report is summarized below:</span><br />
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</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">Gate checking
in the factory finishes at 9.30 AM. On days when one is late, she has to stand
at the security check for an hour or so till the HR manager permits her to
enter and start work. On days like this, she has to make up the lost one hour
by forgoing her lunch time or staying after working hours to finish the given
target for the day. The women workers also face sexual harassments including
verbal abuse of a sexual nature. The male supervisors, floor in-charges and
managers call them by abusive names, such as dog, pig, monkey, ‘loose’ etc. and
cast aspersions on their character. The women do not report about sexual
harassments to higher authorities in the fear that they would lose their
jobs. Being allowed limited toilet
breaks, workers are forced to reduce their consumption of water considerably,
and many women faint inside the factory due to dehydration. When a woman goes
to the toilet, someone follows her to ensure that she does not waste time. No
concessions are given to women workers during advanced stages of pregnancy. It
is difficult to withstand such mental stress and agony. It is a common sight to
find many women crying and weeping in the factory. However, they are not in a
position to give farewell to this dirty world of the factory, as most of the women
come from a modest financial background, and they are either the sole
breadwinner of their families or their income constitutes a substantial part of
their family income.</span><sup style="font-family: verdana, sans-serif;">3 </sup></div>
<span style="font-size: large;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: xx-small;">
</span>
</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: xx-small;"><span style="font-size: large; line-height: 115%;">The future
struggles of workers in the city of Bangalore should focus on minimum wages and
other basic necessities for the survival of “footloose” workers. But, the
multiple oppressions faced by women garment workers in their everyday life must
be an organic part of the struggles for ensuring their right to live with
dignity.</span></span></div>
<span style="font-size: large;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: xx-small;">
</span>
</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">
</span>
<br />
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="line-height: 115%;">Notes:</span></span><br />
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">
</span>
<div class="MsoListParagraph" style="mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">1.<span style="line-height: 115%;">For the protests and their aftermath,
see People’s Union of Civil Liberties (PUCL), Karnataka, and Women against
Sexual Violence and State Repression, Karnataka, <i>Bangalore Garment Workers’ Protest Demonstration: A Preliminary
Fact-finding Report</i>, 2016.</span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">
<div class="MsoListParagraph" style="mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]-->2.<span style="line-height: 115%;">PUCL, Karnataka, NLSIU, Bangalore, Vimochana,
Alternative Law Forum(ALF), Concern-IISC, Manthan Law and Garments Mahila
Karmikara Munnade, “<i>Production of
Torture”: A Study on Working Conditions including work place harassments faced by Women Garment
Workers in Bangalore and other districts.</i></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraph" style="mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]-->3.<i><span style="line-height: 115%;">Ibid.</span></i></div>
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refugeewatchonlinehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/01113087658775775517noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-20220463.post-28598263643709282512016-12-05T15:32:00.000+05:302016-12-05T15:33:08.932+05:30Arab Jews: The Eternally Displaced<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Priya Singh</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 5.75pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="background-color: white; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">(Priya is a Research Scholar at the
University of Calcutta and a commentator on West Asian Politics. She can be
reached at priyasingh70@gmail.com)</span></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 5.75pt; text-align: justify;">
<strong><span lang="EN-IN" style="background: white; font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; font-weight: normal;"><o:p> </o:p></span></strong><span lang="EN-IN" style="background-color: white; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">On
December 1, 2016, the World Jewish Congress, along with Israel’s Permanent
Mission to the United Nations, honoured the Jews who fled from the Arab lands
after the establishment of the state of Israel, at the UN headquarters in New
York. Evelyn Sommer, Chair of World Jewish Congress, North America, observed
that “the time has come” for the international community to take tangible measures
to make sure that there was justice for the refugees, who unlike the Palestinian
refugees, have been neither acknowledged nor aided in any way by the United
Nations.</span><span lang="EN-IN" style="background-color: white; color: #4a4a4a; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"> </span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">On November 30, 2016 in an event organised by the
Social Equality Ministry, Israel observed</span><span lang="EN-IN" style="background: white; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"> the third annual
commemoration of the expulsion of an estimated 850,000 Jews from Arab and
Muslim countries during the course of the 20th century.</span><span lang="EN-IN" style="background: white; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"> </span><span lang="EN-IN" style="background: white; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">It was</span><span lang="EN-IN" style="background: white; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"> </span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">on June 23, 2014 that the <i>Knesset </i>(Israeli Parliament) passed a
law designating November 30 as Jewish Refugee Day. The explanation for this
decision was to bring to the fore the “forgotten exodus and history of the
region and recognition that there were two populations displaced, Palestinian
and Jewish.” Both communities were regarded by the United Nations High
Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) to be “bona fide” refugees.</span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"> </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 5.75pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Prior to the 1948 mass migrations,
there was a significant and vibrant Jewish community in countries such as
Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, Libya, Egypt, Yemen, Iraq, Iran, Lebanon, Syria and
Turkey. The story of the mass migration of Jewish refugees from Arab and Muslim
countries, in the aftermath of the <i>Shoah</i>
(Holocaust) and the creation of the state of Israel, has never really been part
of the debate concerning Palestinian-Israeli and Arab-Israeli engagements at reconciliation.
There are those who contend that the claims of the Jewish refugees and their
voices have been excluded from the broader refugee narrative that has been
dominated by the Palestinian refugees. Consequently, the Jewish refugee migrations
conjure the notion of a Jewish <i>Naqba</i>
(Catastrophe) along the lines of the more established and accepted Palestinian <i>Naqba</i>, signifying the expulsion of the
Palestinians in the wake of the 1948 war, giving birth to the Palestinian
refugee problem. The contention has been
severely criticised by the Palestinians who do not regard the Jews from Arab
lands as refugees but as emigrants who returned to Israel, their professed
homeland, either voluntarily or as part of a political decision. The Israeli government’s
official position on the Jews from the Arab lands is that they are refugees who
have a right to the property left behind in their country of origin. The Jewish
exodus of 1948 apparently involved the migration of an estimated 850, 000 Jews
from Arab and Muslim Lands. The Palestinian exodus of 1948, on the other hand
is said to have witnessed the expulsion of an estimated 720, 000 Palestinian
Arabs from their homes. The Palestinian Arabs
fled to the West Bank, the Gaza Strip, and to nearby countries such as Jordan,
Lebanon, and Syria. The Arab Jews migrated to the new state of Israel, United
States, west Europe and south America. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The term Arab Jews refers
to people of Jewish faith historically connected with the Arab Muslim world. The
Arab Jews had been thoroughly Arabized, proficient in Arabic and had become an
indelible part of the social and cultural life in their nations of origin. In
countries like Egypt, Morocco, Syria, Lebanon, Iraq and Tunisia, Jews occupied
high economic and political positions though the picture was not idyllic at all
times and there were the intermittent hurdles, instances of discrimination and
violence as well. While Israel considers Arab Jews to be genetically Arab,
Arabs regard them as inadequately Arab. The historical process that led to the
displacement of the Palestinians was intrinsically linked with the process that
expelled the Arab Jews from their land of origin. As a result, both communities
were deprived of their property, land, national and political rights. The Arab
Jews were uprooted from their roots in the Arab world and from their deeply
entrenched history and culture in Israel. Unlike the Palestinians who have nurtured
the shared advocacy of yearning for their land of origin in their diasporic
existence, the Arab Jews have been confined to a situation of no return wherein
they are prohibited from evoking nostalgia of belonging to their place of
origin. The Arab Jews were painstakingly displaced from the Arab world and
“de-Arabized.” The Zionist ideology as
well as the Arab national discourse considered “Arabness” and “Jewishness” as
exclusive, binary categories. The state of Israel in the process of creating a
Jewish nation, initiated the project of transforming the Arab Jews into Israeli
Jews, which entailed a meticulous mobilisation of the educational and social
apparatus of the state. A new term, <i>Mizrahim</i>
(signifying “Easterners” or “Orientals”) was coined for the Jews from the Arab
and Muslim world, which has become popular since the 1990s, indicative of both
the origin and experience of the non-<i>Ashkenazi
</i></span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">(<span style="background: white;">Jews of central or eastern European descent)</span></span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Jews in Israel.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif";">Once considered as “backward” people who could destabilize
Israel’s assertion of being a colony of the “civilised” west in the Middle
East, only to be included in the nation-building project purely because of the
holocaust, the <i>Mizrahis</i> enjoy a paradoxical
existence in modern day Israel. The ruptures and fault lines within Israeli
society and polity has not really succeeded in representing the warped identity
of the Mizrahis. There exists a deep rooted resentment among the <i>Mizrahis</i> for the <i>Ashkenazis</i>, who in turn harbour a deep sense of mistrust for the
Arab Jews. The <i>Ashkenazis</i>, by and large
perceived the <i>Mizrahis</i> as having more
in common with Palestinians than Jews, as such </span><span lang="EN-IN" style="background: white; font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif";">the state segregated <i>Mizrahim</i> from the <i>Ashkenazim</i> by means of separate communities and education systems,
where Arabic was prohibited. The disconnect continues till date.</span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="background: white; font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif";">However, just as fused
identities are continually evolving in nature, the <i>Mizrahis</i> continue to keep the connect by way of an </span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">animated exchange of ideas with Arab, Turkic,
Greek, Indian, and Iranian popular cultures primarily through the medium of
television, films, music videos and concerts that shatter the Eurocentric
Israeli approach. Such instances of participation represent a type of subconscious
contravention of a prohibited longing culminating in the construction of a new
identity, which does not view Arabs and Arabness in contrast or contradictory
to something but rather perceives “Arab” as an inherent, fundamental and
completely spontaneous component of the <i>Mizrahi</i>
identity. <span style="background: white;">There has been some resistance from
the Arab Jews, politically, since the 1970s when a local chapter of the Black
Panthers, named after the militant African-American group in the United States
was constituted replicating its demands for radical change. This was followed
by the <i>Keshet</i> movement demanding an
equitable peace</span> for Israelis and
Palestinians, as well as the cultural, political, and economic incorporation of
Israel/Palestine into the Middle East in the process putting to close the
binaries and one-dimensional chronicling of Middle Eastern identities.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="background: white; color: #1e1e1e; font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif";">.</span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif";"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
</div>
Refugee Watch Onlinehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03064436275994106376noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-20220463.post-61064406275197485662016-12-05T15:25:00.003+05:302016-12-05T16:08:05.095+05:30Sino-Bangladesh Entente: A Looming Concern for India?<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-IN"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Srimanti Sarkar<u><o:p></o:p></u></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">(Srimanti is a Research Scholar at the Department of Political Science, University of Calcutta, and can be reached at s.srimanti@gmail.com)</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-IN"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif";">Bangladesh today is fast
emerging as a vibrant economy with significant advancements taking place
especially in its development sector. It has a huge labour force, a potential
market, and a very significant geo-strategic location in between the three
major economies, viz. India, Northeast Asia<sup> </sup>and Southeast Asia. This
has attracted countries around the world and especially in the region,
including China, to take keen interest in Bangladesh. China also has been
regarded as a plausible regional partner and a “time-tested, all-weather”
friend by Bangladesh with whom bilateral relationship has been clear of the
contingencies of changing political regimes. Likewise, China even considers a
well-developed Bangladesh an “asset” for her with a potential to prosper as a
vibrant economy. The growing Sino-Bangladesh
synergy should be understood in light of the major cooperative measures
undertaken in sectors like trade, investment and infrastructural development,
defence, energy, culture and environment between the two countries.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif";">But, whether China’s
increasing clout in Bangladesh is seemingly an ‘entente’ having major
socio-economic and geo-strategic implications is a matter to carefully ponder
upon. While China strives to realise, it’s so called, “Chinese Dream”<a href="file:///C:/Documents%20and%20Settings/User/My%20Documents/RWo/CRG_Paper_Srimanti%20FINAL.docx#_edn1" name="_ednref1" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>—it
will be judicious to assess whether Sino-Bangladesh interests converge to
affect India’s position in a negative way. The following section will try to
appraise whether Sino-Bangladesh ties pose an immediate and impending threat
upon India.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif";"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt;">The fast normalisation and affirmative
conditioning of the Sino-Bangladesh bilateral relations though seem to be a
natural upshot of regionalism; when looked from a security perspective hints a critical
geo-strategic concern for India. Bangladesh’s growing closeness with China is, more
than often, seen as a tactic by the former to counter balance India out of,
what Keohane’s conceptualises as, the ‘Lilliputians’ Dilemma’. It implies that small
states primarily adopts three broad policies while acting alone vis-a-vis big
states—viz. a passive strategy
of renunciation, an
active strategy designed
to alter the
external environment in
their favour (e.g.,
subversion), or a defensive strategy helping them to preserve the status
quo (e.g., traditional diplomacy, deterrence)—in order to cope with their high
(and rising) costs of independence. Although Bangladesh cannot be literally
categorised as a ‘small’ state in terms of its geographical size and
population, it is perceptively a ‘small power’ compared to both India and
China. Accordingly, Bangladesh seems to adopt the third strategy of maintaining
a status quo with regard to India—as pursuing a passive strategy of
renunciation will be impractical given her unavoidable dependence on India
(which almost entirely surrounds Bangladesh from all the three sides), and
altering India’s pre-dominance in the region is literally not feasible (which
by virtue of her sheer size and huge repository of all kinds of resources is
the largest power in South Asia)—while fostering closer ties with China in an
attempt to diversify her over dependence on India. </span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 11pt;">But, Bangladesh seems to be a geo-strategically
significant country for China as well, and the growing Sino-Bangladesh
relations is often perceived as an integral part of China’s, so-called, “Look
South and South-East Asia Policy” to which Bangladesh acts as a potential
gateway. Considering China’s keen policy overtures in South Asia, where India
is a core country, it is more than often apprehended that China is trying to
build a chain of influence around India – in her neighbourhood – in order to
lessen India’s geo-political clout in the region. China has been pro-active
regarding her ‘One Belt and One Road’ (OBOR) initiative, which has gained
significant traction. Through the OBOR initiative, China attempts to curve out
a continental geo-strategic</span><a href="file:///C:/Documents%20and%20Settings/User/My%20Documents/RWo/CRG_Paper_Srimanti%20FINAL.docx#_edn2" name="_ednref2" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">[2]</span></span></span></a><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 11pt;">
and maritime realm</span><a href="file:///C:/Documents%20and%20Settings/User/My%20Documents/RWo/CRG_Paper_Srimanti%20FINAL.docx#_edn3" name="_ednref3" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt;" title=""><sup><sup><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">[3]</span></sup></sup></a><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 11pt;">
which will have definite implications across regions of Asia as well as South
Asia. Under the OBOR initiative, the ‘Belt and Road’ are expected to loop and
branch and meet at critical points; and Bangladesh features in both the
overland component of the initiate–-via the Bangladesh-China-India-Myanmar
Economic Corridor (BCIM-EC); as well as in the maritime component—as a port hub
for the Maritime Silk Road.</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 11pt;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt;">For China, the BCIM Corridor is a key
corridor in its south-eastern region, just like the geo-strategically significant
China-Pakistan Economic Corridor in its west. For Bangladesh, the corridor is
central because it will help attract India’s $1.2 billion market in the west,
China’s $1.4 billion market in the north and Myanmar’s $70 million market in
the east. With Bangladesh literally posited in the middle and with its own
market pull of 160 million people it will be able to reap substantial benefits.<a href="file:///C:/Documents%20and%20Settings/User/My%20Documents/RWo/CRG_Paper_Srimanti%20FINAL.docx#_edn4" name="_ednref4" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">[4]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
However, with excellent connections developed among these huge markets, a
frenzy of economic activity will be inevitable among all the four countries as
well.<sup> </sup>India, off late has shown enthusiasm in taking ahead the
BCIM-EC which will link Kolkata with Kunming, the capital of China’s Yunnan
province, passing through Myanmar and Bangladesh, with Mandalay and Dhaka as
the focal points.<sup> </sup>But, for India some of the considerations have
been that, this route does not follow
the meandering Asian Highway-1
route from Imphal through
the Assam Valley and
Meghalaya to Bangladesh. Instead it cuts directly across the Barak
Valley through Silchar-Karimganj-Sutarkandi. This renders somewhat futile the
expectations of developing and connecting India’s north eastern region (NER) by
making the corridor pass through the states of Nagaland, Arunachal, Meghalaya,
Tripura and Mizoram, as well as Sikkim. However, the Indian government has
proposed to build roads and railway linkages which will pass through the
landlocked regions like Barak Valley, Tripura and Mizoram and subsequently join
the BCIM Corridor. This will then provide the much needed boost in developing
India’s NER</span></div>
<a name='more'></a>.<span class="MsoEndnoteReference"> </span><o:p></o:p><br />
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt;">In the maritime component of China’s OBOR
initiative also Bangladesh figures prominently. China’s investments in
Bangladesh’s maritime infrastructure, is seen in-tuned with the former’s
‘String of Pearls’<a href="file:///C:/Documents%20and%20Settings/User/My%20Documents/RWo/CRG_Paper_Srimanti%20FINAL.docx#_edn5" name="_ednref5" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">[5]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>strategy–a
euphemism to explain China’s attempt to expand its naval presence throughout
the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) by building maritime civilian infrastructure in
friendly states. It is been apprehended that China might construct a submarine
base in Bangladesh, which in turn will earn a strategic base for her in the Bay
of Bengal.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt;">However, Bangladesh being aware of India’s
worries has tried to refrain from being caught up in a tug-of-war between the
two Asian giants. Thus, when Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi visited
Bangladesh in June 2015, the two sides signed an agreement to allow Indian
cargo vessels use the Chittagong port. This move is being symbolically read in
India as “plucking of ‘pearl’ from China's ‘String’ in Bangladesh”<a href="file:///C:/Documents%20and%20Settings/User/My%20Documents/RWo/CRG_Paper_Srimanti%20FINAL.docx#_edn6" name="_ednref6" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">[6]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>—meaning
a reassurance, that the port will not act as a strategic base of China in the
Indian Ocean. In the past two years, Bangladesh has also seen long-standing
maritime and land border issues with India resolved in Dhaka’s favour, which
again may be seen as New Delhi’s eagerness to make sure its neighbour does not
tilt too far in China’s direction. However, Dhaka seems to be reaping tangible
benefits by courting both China and India. Nevertheless, debates negating the
‘String of Pearls’ theory provide tangible justification for not considering
China’s preponderant threat on India as an emergent one. In view of China’s
considerable discomfiture with regard to Sri Lanka, Myanmar, Bangladesh as well
as the tiny island states of the Seychelles and the Maldives leaving alone
Pakistan with whom China shares a better equation, it will be imprudent to
exaggerate China’s predominance in India’s neighbourhood. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif";">However, India pins
optimistic hope on her rising neighbour China and their bilateral relations
stand on a cooperative footing with no immediate threat of outright invasion. But
New Delhi’s decision to station a full squadron of Sukhoi-30 aircraft in Tezpur
and another squadron positioned in </span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">Chabua</span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif";"> in upper Assam reflects India’s
persisting suspicions about Chinese intentions in the region. Bangladesh, on
the other hand, does not pose such a territorial threat upon India; rather it
is considered as indispensible for the stability and development of India’s
NER. Both economically as well as geographically Bangladesh can serve immensely
to integrate<a href="https://www.blogger.com/null" name="_GoBack"></a> NEI with the mainland. Transit routes
through Bangladesh can help reduce transportation cost of goods and services
significantly and in turn boost trade prospects of the region. But,
Bangladesh’s demand for similar transit facilities through India to access the
Himalayan countries of Nepal and Bhutan, in turn acts as a liability for India
as the ‘China Factor’ pose a constant threat on her national security. Thus,
de-securitisation and opening up of the NER seems far more intricate a
challenge for India vis-a-vis the development prospect of the region. The rise
of China and her increasing prowess in India’s neighbourhood thus have a seeming
impact on the region. It has helped in boosting the economies of small states
and at the same time provided them the power of manoeuvrability over India—the
most powerful actor in South Asia. So is also true for Bangladesh, which has
been increasingly trying to diversify her reach and establish links with other
countries in and around the South Asian region. But instead of overdoing on the
much anticipated Sino-Bangladesh ‘entente’ as an immediate threat for India, the
latter should consider it as a pretext ripe enough to re-envision her
neighbourhood relations carefully and especially with Bangladesh. India needs
to take her cooperative engagement with Bangladesh to a much deeper level,
since Bangladesh it is not only an indispensable neighbour but also a strategic
regional partner with whom India shares enduring ties.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
</div>
<div>
<!--[if !supportEndnotes]--><br clear="all" />
<hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" />
<!--[endif]-->
<br />
<div id="edn1">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText" style="margin-left: .25in; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<a href="file:///C:/Documents%20and%20Settings/User/My%20Documents/RWo/CRG_Paper_Srimanti%20FINAL.docx#_ednref1" name="_edn1" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-IN" style="color: black; font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; mso-themecolor: text1;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;"> ‘Chinese Dream’ is a term
coined under the Presidency of Xi Jinping to symbolise a vision to make China a
great economic power whereby greater degree of economic progress will be
ascertained superseding domestic and international challenges. <span class="addmd">Marc Lanteigne, <i>Chinese
Foreign Policy: An Introduction,</i> (London and New York: Routledge, 2016), p.
8.</span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn2">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText" style="margin-left: .25in; text-indent: -.25in;">
<a href="file:///C:/Documents%20and%20Settings/User/My%20Documents/RWo/CRG_Paper_Srimanti%20FINAL.docx#_ednref2" name="_edn2" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-IN"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "calibri" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%;">[2]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-IN"> </span> <span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">The belt manifests
its continental geo-strategic dimension through a network of rail routes,
overland highways, oil and gas pipelines and other infrastructural projects, stretching
from Xian in Central China, through Central Asia and Russia, with one artery
crossing Kazakhstan and the other through Mongolia but both linking up
with the trans-Siberian railway and going on to Moscow, Rotterdam and Venice.</span><o:p></o:p></div>
</div>
<div id="edn3">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText" style="margin-left: .25in; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<a href="file:///C:/Documents%20and%20Settings/User/My%20Documents/RWo/CRG_Paper_Srimanti%20FINAL.docx#_ednref3" name="_edn3" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-IN" style="color: black; font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; mso-themecolor: text1;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[3]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;"> The belt manifests its
continental maritime dimension through a network of ports and other coastal
infrastructure from China’s eastern seaboard stretching across South East Asia,
South Asia, the Gulf, East Africa and the Mediterranean, forming a loop
terminating at Piraeus (Greece), Venice (Italy) and Rotterdam (Netherlands) in
Europe and Mombasa ( Kenya) in Africa.</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn4">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText" style="margin-left: .25in; text-indent: -.25in;">
<a href="file:///C:/Documents%20and%20Settings/User/My%20Documents/RWo/CRG_Paper_Srimanti%20FINAL.docx#_ednref4" name="_edn4" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-IN"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "calibri" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%;">[4]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-IN"> </span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">Subir Bhowmik, “</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">Bangladesh: The Key to India’s Look East through
Northeast” <i>Policies and Practices</i>
78, <i>Logistical
Spaces III, Hubs, Connectivity and Transit</i>, December 2016.</span><o:p></o:p></div>
</div>
<div id="edn5">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText" style="margin-left: .25in; tab-stops: -.5in -4.5pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<a href="file:///C:/Documents%20and%20Settings/User/My%20Documents/RWo/CRG_Paper_Srimanti%20FINAL.docx#_ednref5" name="_edn5" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif";"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[5]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif";"> </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"> China’s ‘</span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif";">String of Pearls’ strategy is an
ambiguous and much debated concept. The term was coined by an American, named
Booz Allenin Hamilton, who used the term in his report titled “Energy Futures
in Asia” published in 2005. </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn6">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText" style="margin-left: .25in; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<a href="file:///C:/Documents%20and%20Settings/User/My%20Documents/RWo/CRG_Paper_Srimanti%20FINAL.docx#_ednref6" name="_edn6" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif";"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[6]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif";"> By
definition each “Pearl” represents some form of permanent Chinese military
installation in a series of locations along a “String” stretching from Southern
China, through the Indian Ocean, to the areas from where China imports much of
its natural resources, such as Africa and the Middle East.</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
</div>
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<div id="edn6">
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Refugee Watch Onlinehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03064436275994106376noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-20220463.post-44472173006312514062016-12-05T15:15:00.000+05:302016-12-05T15:15:20.406+05:30Traveller, Refugee: The Rohingya Refugee Crisis in the light of the Condé Nast controversy.<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">Apala Kundu</span><div>
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div>
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">(Apala is a student of the Department of English, M.A., at Presidency University, and can be reached at apalakundu28@gmail.com)</span></div>
<div>
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">International
celebrity Priyanka Chopra’s appearance in an “insensitive” piece of attire- a
shirt that has the words “migrant”, “refugee” and “outsider” crossed out in red
while the word “traveller” stands out- on the cover of the October-November
2016 issue of Condé Nast Traveller India magazine, sparked widespread controversy
and furore on the social media platform, particularly on Twitter. Outraged
Twitter users lashed out at Chopra for what they considered an “offensive” and
“insensitive” act that sent out a “privileged” and “elitist” message, unheeding
of the actual plight of refugees. </span><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; text-indent: 0.5in;">With
her act making international headlines and inviting scathing criticism from people
all over the world, Chopra has since issued a public apology through India’s
NDTV news channel stating that she was “really apologetic about the fact that
sentiments were hurt” (</span><i style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; text-indent: 0.5in;">The Guardian</i><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; text-indent: 0.5in;">
2016), claiming that the magazine’s campaign had been directed towards
addressing the issue of xenophobia. The magazine too came out in defence of its
cover, arguing that the intention of the photograph was to drive home its belief
in a world without borders. “Whether we are moving across oceans or just a few
kilometres, or in our mind's eye, into a completely different world, whether we
are doing so due to free will or circumstance - we are all travellers” (</span><i style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; text-indent: 0.5in;">BBC News</i><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; text-indent: 0.5in;"> 2016). Indubitably, the content
of the cover is disturbing. But far more than insensitivity, the strand of
argument forwarded in its defence exposes the glaring ignorance and insouciance
that informs such ways of thinking.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">Refugee
movements and flows constitute one of the most important and challenging
problems confronting the international community today in the post- Cold War
era. But the issue of refugee flows is more than just a humanitarian concern
and calls for more than just a humanitarian response. Refugee movements are
inextricably intertwined with political, economic, social and security issues
that are of immense concern to both “the sending and the receiving countries”
(Loescher 1993, 12). The prevention and solution of the refugee problem
therefore, “are not just matters of international charity or humanitarian
action by UNHCR [United Nations Refugee Agency] and other agencies; ultimately
they depend on wider political and diplomatic actions taken by regional and extra-regional
states and international organizations to manage regional and ethnic conflicts
and to initiate the reintegration of refugees and other displaced people”
(12). <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">The
1951 United Nations Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees defined refugees
as “any person who, owing to a well-founded fear of being persecuted for
reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group
or political opinion, is outside the country of his nationality and is unable,
or owing to such fear, is unwilling to avail himself of the protection of that
country.” This widely accepted definition of a refugee is deeply imbued with a
sense of compulsion, which stands in stark contrast to the notions of voluntary
choice, luxury and leisure that inform the idea of travel. Refugee flows should
be seen for what they are, that is, individual and collective acts of fleeing
across the physical borders of the homeland, motivated by a strong fear of
persecution or even at times, of death.
Publisher Arpita Das (2016), in her <i>The
Huffington Post</i> blog, puts it succinctly: “In our times, these words,
‘refugee’, ‘immigrant’ . . . are important markers of many identities which the
wearer of that label is not willing to eschew for something as privileged, as
generic as ‘traveller’. . . . The lack of choice in removing one's home and
hearth from the familiar to the alien is one fraught with heartbreak and the
feeling of being cornered.” The argument espoused by the magazine in its
defence is thus exposed as “the outcome of a privileged view of a global issue
that does not touch the holder of the view in the least, but is perceived as
something which ought to feature in their narrative because it is so ‘topical’”
(Das 2016).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">Incidentally,
the topicality of this narrative serves to unmask yet another disquieting
dimension of the refugee crisis that confronts the world today. Priyanka
Chopra’s apology, Condé Nast’s defence statement, media coverage of the
controversy and the general public’s responses to the controversy on Twitter-
all of these make conspicuous the bias in the response of the international
community and international media to the global refugee crisis. For though
global in character the refugee crisis is, certain instances of it receive conscious
media focus and reportage, and involve greater participation from member states
of the international community, while others are kept out of the spotlight, and
consequently, outside public consciousness. This bias takes the form of a First
World-Third world binary, which is reflective of the neo-colonialist character
of the international community at present. </span></div>
<a name='more'></a><o:p></o:p><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">In “Why Southeast Asia's Refugee Crisis Matters”,
Surin Pitsuwan and Prashanth Parameswaran (2015) argue that “in Southeast Asia,
the refugee crisis is a complex set of economic, political and moral-ethical,
and humanitarian problems made all the more grave by the lack of media
discussion or public awareness. Unlike Europe, where the refugee crisis is at
times a highly-visible and fiercely-debated issue, there is a dearth of
information and public awareness in Southeast Asia.” There is at work here, a
regional-international binary, which facilitates greater attention and
intervention efforts on the part of the international community in the case of
refugee crisis affecting First World Western nations, as opposed to Third World
nations in the global East. Refugee problems in the global East are primarily
seen as regional. Safeguarding their own economic and political interests
foremost on their minds, international actors, primarily Western nation-states and
governments often hesitate to intervene in such ‘regional’ tussles, preferring
to remain oblivious to the questions of security, economy and politics
generated in such circumstances. <b><o:p></o:p></b></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"> The
Syrian refugee crisis can be seen as the catalyst that catapulted the
controversy in question into international media glare. Priyanka Chopra’s and
Conde Nast’s statements addressing the “culture of xenophobia” are resonant
with the charges levelled against Great Britain in the light of the Syrian
refugee crisis of 2016. Numerous Twitter users and newspapers opined that
Chopra’s act was particularly ‘insensitive’ for having come on the heels of the
Syrian refugee crisis. Yet, in the entire outcry about insensitive attitudes
towards refugees, one cannot help but notice the unsettling silence surrounding
the refugee crisis that is brewing in our own backyard- the Rohingya refugee crisis
in Myanmar.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">The
Rohingya refugee crisis was brought to light in May 2015 when thousands of
Rohingya refugees from the Rakhine State of Myanmar, along with economic
migrants from Bangladesh were found stranded in the Strait of Malacca off the
coast of Thailand, Malaysia and Indonesia. The Rohingya refugee crisis has many
different facets to it, making it an extremely complicated one. The Rohingya people are an ethnic Muslim
minority group native to the Western Burmese state of Rakhine. Though there is
evidence of Muslims inhabiting Rakhine state (then under the Arakan kingdom)
since the 9<sup>th</sup> century, the Rohingyas trace their “origins in the
region to the fifteenth century when thousands of Muslims came to the
former Arakan Kingdom” (Albert 2016). But since Burma’s freedom from
colonial rule in 1948, the Rohingyas have been victims of persecution at the
hands of the Burmese state and its people, particularly the ethnic Buddhist
majority (which is the other main ethnic community inhabiting the Rakhine
state). They have been denied recognition as one of the country’s 135 ethnic
groups. Derided as “illegal Bengali immigrants”, the Rohingyas have been denied
citizenship under Burma’s (renamed Myanmar in 1989) citizenship laws which
views citizenship as a right ensuing from membership to “one of the indigenous
races of Burma.” <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">As
stateless people, the Rohingyas are deprived of all citizens’ rights. “Government
policies, including restrictions on marriage, family planning, employment,
education, religious choice, and freedom of movement have institutionalized
systemic discrimination against the ethnic group” (Albert 2016). Matters came
to a head with the 2012 massacre of the Rohingyas in the Rakhine state. Though
purported to be an instance of spontaneous communal violence incited by the
alleged murder and rape of a Buddhist woman by four Rohingya men, there have
been suggestions of “significant planning and organisation behind the attacks”
(Chakrabarti 2016). Following the riots, tens of thousands of Rohingyas were
displaced and have been living in squalid makeshift refugee camps on the
Western borders of the country closer to Bangladesh. Many have since fled the country, undertaking
dangerous maritime journeys on rickety boats, seeking aid and relief from a
lifetime of persecution in the neighbouring countries of Bangladesh, Thailand,
Indonesia and Malaysia. According to reports from the International Organization
for Migration, more than eighty-eight thousands migrants took to sea between
January 2014 and May 2015. Such journeys however are no guarantee of a life of
security and assured basic rights. To term them “travel” and those undertaking
them mere “travellers” is to trivialise the very gravity of the crisis and the
very existence of these asylum seekers. Their
futures are to be determined by their identities as refugees. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">Indeed,
the reception met by these asylum-seekers was far from sympathetic. Indonesia,
Malaysia and Thailand had stepped up their maritime patrols, when the first
boats carrying the Rohingyas and other Bangladeshi economic migrants turned up
on 10<sup>th</sup> May. In Thailand in particular, a “pushing out” was
implemented once Malaysia stopped accepting the refugees passed over Thailand. Not
surprisingly, this policy, meant to dissuade the entry of Rohingyas into
Thailand, brought about the deaths of hundreds whose bodies later washed up on
Asian shores. Thai security officials
had also joined hands with human traffickers to form a smuggling ring that not
only allowed the Thai officials to deal with detainees they considered a
security threat, but also enable both groups to make financial profits on the
sly. The faces of the thousands- “haunted and hungry” (Chakrabarti 2016) -abandoned
at sea on overcrowded boats with dwindling supplies, became the face of the
Rohingya refugee crisis. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">Considering
that none of the Southeast Asian countries, barring Cambodia and the
Philippines, are signatories to the 1951 Refugee Convention, none of them were
bound by international law to provide asylum to the refugees, nor could they be
accused of violating the non-refoulement option in sending them back. But the
state of affairs as they stood certainly makes imperative a reworking of the
refugee policies of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) organization
to which all the Southeast Asian countries owe allegiance to. Conditions of life for the Rohingya refugees
in these host countries are hardly an improvement over what they faced back in
Myanmar. </span><span lang="EN-IN" style="background: white; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; text-indent: 0.5in;">Ultimately though, it is the state of Myanmar which must
assume foremost responsibility for the catastrophe generated within its
territory. Yet the stance taken by the present democratic government in Myanmar
has been dispiriting. Suu Kyi’s relative silence on the issue, though baffling
to many, is not entirely unexpected. Suu Kyi’s silence is a diplomatic ploy to
hold on to the yet fragile democratic environment initiated in Myanmar by not
antagonising the two prominent nationalist groups, 969 and MaBaTha. </span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; text-indent: 0.5in;">However, the first step towards resolution
can only come from the state of Myanmar. Refusal to assume any responsibility
will only lead to a further exacerbation of this crisis. </span><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; text-indent: 0.5in;">Since the second half of 2015, the exodus has
come down to a trickle, causing the issue to fall from international view. But
the crisis is far from over.</span><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; text-indent: 0.5in;"> </span><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; text-indent: 0.5in;">The
Rohingya population living in refugee camps within Myanmar continue to face
persecution. Those who have made it to other lands live lives of uncertainty.
“Unable to work or educate themselves, alienated from their lands, the Rohingya
are left in limbo, seemingly marking time before staying becomes unbearable,
relying on aid agencies for rations and trying to avoid falling on the wrong
side of the authorities” (Albert 2016). The international community cannot be
exonerated from its responsibility towards alleviation of the calamity. Major
international players are unwilling to engage in serious talks with South-East
Asian countries to work out a resolution that would aim less at altruistic
motives, and more on ensuring protection and advocacy of rights of asylum
seekers on a global scale. To categorise the issue as a regional concern, and
thereby refuse direct intervention or involvement will certainly do no favours
to anybody.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; text-indent: 0.5in;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">When
celebrities and media personalities endorse such causes in popular international
media, the complicated nuances of the issues at stake are diluted. More often
than not, they selective endorsements of causes that are already on the media
radar, risking the apolitcisation of important ‘political’ issues, and
contributing to the lopsided treatment of, and selective amnesia about critical
issues within popular international media. Issues that concern the global West
are more often than not, prioritized over matters pertaining to the rest of the
world. The campaign undertaken by Condé Nast and their ambassador Priyanka
Chopra, though hardly credible, serves to keep alive within public
consciousness the issue of the Mediterranean refugee crisis. The Rohingya
refugee crisis, though a case that deserves just as much thought and concern
from the international community, flies below the radar. Attempts at a search
for the alleviation and the resolution of this crisis can only benefit from
this issue being rekindled and kept alive on international media. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">References<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">Albert,
Eleanor. 2016. “The Rohingya Migrant Crisis.” Accessed on 28<sup>th</sup>
October 2016. http://www.cfr.org/burmamyanmar/rohingya-migrant-crisis/p36651<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">“Bollywood
star Priyanka Chopra apologises over 'insensitive' refugee T-shirt.” 2016. In <i>The Guardian</i>.
Accessed on 28<sup>th</sup> October 2016. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2016/oct/18/bollywood-star-priyanka-chopra- apologises-over-insensitive-refugee-t-shirt<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">Chakrabarti,
Ajachi. 2016. “The State of Statelessness.” In <i>Kindle</i>. http://kindlemag.in/the- state-of-statelessness/<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">Das, Arpita. 2016. “Conde Nast's Priyanka Chopra Cover Is More A Product Of Ignorance Than Insensitivity.” In <i>The Huffington Post</i>. http://www.huffingtonpost.in/arpita- das/conde-nasts-explanation-of-the-priyanka-chopra-cover-made-me-re/<b><o:p></o:p></b></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">Loescher, Gil. 1993. “Refugee Movements:
Causes and Consequences.” In <i>Beyond
Charity: International
Cooperation and the Global Refugee Crisis</i>, 11-31. New York: Oxford University Press. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">Pitsuwan, Surin and Prashanth Parameswaran.
2015. “Why Southeast Asia's Refugee
Crisis Matters.” In <i>The Diplomat</i>. http://thediplomat.com/2015/07/southeast-asia-refugees- in-crisis/<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">“Priyanka Chopra
sorry for Conde Nast cover ‘insulting refugees’.” 2016. In <i>BBC News</i>. Accessed on 28<sup>th</sup>
October 2016. http://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-india- 37676903<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
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Refugee Watch Onlinehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03064436275994106376noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-20220463.post-33618030734396477882016-12-05T11:22:00.000+05:302016-12-05T16:12:46.724+05:30Absence of Citizenship Hinders Employment: An Analysis of the Relationship between Education of Refugee Youth and Employment Opportunities<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<div style="text-align: left;">
<!--[if gte mso 9]><xml>
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</xml><![endif]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 14.0pt;">Maneesh
P</span><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><sup><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;"> </span></sup></i></span></div>
<div style="text-align: left;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: left;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><sup><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;">(1</span></sup></i><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;">Project
fellow, Department of Econometrics, School of Economics, Madurai Kamaraj
University, Madurai Tamil Nadu, India.He can be reached at maneeshpanakkeel21@gmail.com)</span></i></span></div>
<div style="text-align: left;">
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt;">The
freedom of movement of Sri Lankan Tamil refugees was restricted at the time of
the assassination of Rajiv Gandhi in 1991 and they were confined within the
camps. During this period refugees suffered alot due to oppressive rules and
regulations and stringent security measures were adopted to preclude the
connection with LTTE. Refugees were not allowed to work outside the camp during
this period and those staying outside the camps were arrested and shifted to
government camps. The situation has changed since then and refugees enjoy the
freedom of movement with very few restrictions. The government has been providing
free education upto the XIIth standard in government and government aided
schools. In addition, they provide free note books, text books, uniforms, noon
meals and bus passes. A free bicycle is also given to students studying in the
XIth standard. In the earlier years refugees were allowed to go out and earn a
living with an agreement of returning to the camp by 6.00 p.m every day. But now
they may go out at any time and stay anywhere and are required to present themselves
in the camp one day in a month to receive the monthly dole that they are
entitled to. If he/she is absent without a genuine reason he/she will lose the
registration in the camp. Families in a good economic position have settled
outside the camp. These families have to register themselves in the nearest
police station for security reasons. Refugee girls in the camps have opted for
a nursing course so that they may go abroad to make a decent living. The
paradox is that the government has been providing educational opportunities to
Sri Lankan Tamil refugees without creating opportunities for employment. Youth
living in the camps opt for private sector jobs on completion of their education.
Moreover, the monthly dole provided by the government to each member of the
household is not enough to meet the household expenses, which may induce the
children to go out to work instead of going to school. </span></div>
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<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt;">The
relationship between the dropout rate of refugee children from school and the
absence of employment in the government sector has not been explored by
researchers. Even though a refugee youth has completed secondary education or
degree, he/she has to get a job in the private sector or the unorganised sector
as manual labourer. There is often no connection between their educational
status and the kind of employment they get engaged with. Since the flow of
refugees in the local labour market has resulted in a fall in wage level and refugees
are willing to undertake risky jobs that local people abstain from, trade
unions are fighting for job security and minimum wages. Refugees refrain from
organising themselves in a union to demand their rights due to over reliance on
government schemes and absence of citizenship. Refugees have the fear that if
they protest against government rules and regulations the government may completely
withdraw welfare services and impose strict regulations.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Therefore refugees have been obeying government
rules and regulations and lead an unsatisfactory life without any vision of the
future. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;">India
has not signed the 1951 UN Refugee Convention (Geneva Convention) and the 1967
protocol relating to the status of refugees neither has it enacted domestic law
for refugees.</span><span lang="EN-IN"> </span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;">The
legal status of Sri Lankan Tamil refugees in India is officially governed by
the Foreigners Act 1946 and The Citizenship Act 1955 which defines all
non-citizens who enter without visas to be illegal migrants, with no exception
for refugees or asylum seekers. India has not adopted a national refugee
legislation nor have the national asylum procedures been established, but still
refugees are provided with accommodation and financial support.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>India has decided not to give permanent resident
status or Indian citizenship to Sri Lankan Tamil refugees, expecting them to
return to their home land following the conclusion of the war. As of January
2016, there are 64,079 refugees living in 108 government authorised camps in
Tamil Nadu. </span></span></div>
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<![endif]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;">Table 1: Camp population abstract
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</td><td colspan="2" style="border: 1pt solid black; height: 31.15pt; padding: 0in; width: 66pt;" valign="top" width="88"><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: .05in; text-align: center;">
<div style="margin: 0px;">
<span style="color: #3f3f3f; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; letter-spacing: -0.5pt;">Adult<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><br />Male</span></div>
</div>
</td><td colspan="2" style="border: 1pt solid black; height: 31.15pt; padding: 0in; width: 63pt;" width="84"><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<div style="margin: 0px;">
<span style="color: #3f3f3f; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; letter-spacing: -0.5pt;">Adult<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><br />Female</span></div>
</div>
</td><td colspan="2" style="border: 1pt solid black; height: 31.15pt; padding: 0in; width: 69.4pt;" width="93"><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<div style="margin: 0px;">
<span style="color: #3f3f3f; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; letter-spacing: -0.5pt;">Child Male</span></div>
</div>
</td><td colspan="2" style="border: 1pt solid black; height: 31.15pt; padding: 0in; width: 66pt;" width="88"><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<div style="margin: 0px;">
<span style="color: #3f3f3f; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; letter-spacing: -0.5pt;">Child<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><br />Female</span></div>
</div>
</td><td style="border: 1pt solid black; height: 31.15pt; padding: 0in; width: 65.25pt;" width="87"><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<div style="margin: 0px;">
<span style="color: #3f3f3f; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; letter-spacing: -0.5pt;">Total</span></div>
</div>
</td></tr>
<tr style="height: 15pt;"><td colspan="2" style="border: 1pt solid black; height: 15pt; padding: 0in; width: 81pt;" width="108"><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<div style="margin: 0px;">
<span style="color: #3f3f3f; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; letter-spacing: -0.5pt;">01/2009</span></div>
</div>
</td><td colspan="2" style="border-bottom-color: black; border-bottom-width: 1pt; border-right-color: black; border-right-width: 1pt; border-style: none solid solid none; height: 15pt; padding: 0in; width: 63pt;" width="84"><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<div style="margin: 0px;">
<span style="color: #3f3f3f; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; letter-spacing: -0.5pt;">19593</span></div>
</div>
</td><td colspan="2" style="border-bottom-color: black; border-bottom-width: 1pt; border-right-color: black; border-right-width: 1pt; border-style: none solid solid none; height: 15pt; padding: 0in; width: 66pt;" width="88"><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<div style="margin: 0px;">
<span style="color: #3f3f3f; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; letter-spacing: -0.5pt;">27889</span></div>
</div>
</td><td colspan="2" style="border-bottom-color: black; border-bottom-width: 1pt; border-right-color: black; border-right-width: 1pt; border-style: none solid solid none; height: 15pt; padding: 0in; width: 63pt;" width="84"><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<div style="margin: 0px;">
<span style="color: #3f3f3f; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; letter-spacing: -0.5pt;">26832</span></div>
</div>
</td><td colspan="2" style="border-bottom-color: black; border-bottom-width: 1pt; border-right-color: black; border-right-width: 1pt; border-style: none solid solid none; height: 15pt; padding: 0in; width: 69.4pt;" width="93"><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<div style="margin: 0px;">
<span style="color: #3f3f3f; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; letter-spacing: -0.5pt;">9542</span></div>
</div>
</td><td colspan="2" style="border-bottom-color: black; border-bottom-width: 1pt; border-right-color: black; border-right-width: 1pt; border-style: none solid solid none; height: 15pt; padding: 0in; width: 66pt;" width="88"><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<div style="margin: 0px;">
<span style="color: #3f3f3f; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; letter-spacing: -0.5pt;">9090</span></div>
</div>
</td><td style="border-bottom-color: black; border-bottom-width: 1pt; border-right-color: black; border-right-width: 1pt; border-style: none solid solid none; height: 15pt; padding: 0in; width: 65.25pt;" width="87"><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<div style="margin: 0px;">
<span style="color: #3f3f3f; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; letter-spacing: -0.5pt;">73353</span></div>
</div>
</td></tr>
<tr style="height: 14.25pt; mso-height-rule: exactly; mso-yfti-irow: 2;"><td style="border: 1pt solid black; height: 14.25pt; padding: 0in; width: 64.15pt;" width="86"><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<div style="margin: 0px;">
<span style="color: #3f3f3f; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; letter-spacing: -0.5pt;">01/2010</span></div>
</div>
</td><td colspan="2" style="border-bottom-color: black; border-bottom-width: 1pt; border-right-color: black; border-right-width: 1pt; border-style: none solid solid none; height: 14.25pt; padding: 0in; width: 62.6pt;" width="83"><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<div style="margin: 0px;">
<span style="color: #3f3f3f; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; letter-spacing: -0.5pt;">19995</span></div>
</div>
</td><td colspan="2" style="border-bottom-color: black; border-bottom-width: 1pt; border-right-color: black; border-right-width: 1pt; border-style: none solid solid none; height: 14.25pt; padding: 0in; width: 66pt;" width="88"><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<div style="margin: 0px;">
<span style="color: #3f3f3f; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; letter-spacing: -0.5pt;">27631</span></div>
</div>
</td><td colspan="2" style="border-bottom-color: black; border-bottom-width: 1pt; border-right-color: black; border-right-width: 1pt; border-style: none solid solid none; height: 14.25pt; padding: 0in; width: 63pt;" width="84"><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<div style="margin: 0px;">
<span style="color: #3f3f3f; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; letter-spacing: -0.5pt;">26525</span></div>
</div>
</td><td colspan="2" style="border-bottom-color: black; border-bottom-width: 1pt; border-right-color: black; border-right-width: 1pt; border-style: none solid solid none; height: 14.25pt; padding: 0in; width: 69.75pt;" width="93"><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<div style="margin: 0px;">
<span style="color: #3f3f3f; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; letter-spacing: -0.5pt;">9663</span></div>
</div>
</td><td colspan="2" style="border-bottom-color: black; border-bottom-width: 1pt; border-right-color: black; border-right-width: 1pt; border-style: none solid solid none; height: 14.25pt; padding: 0in; width: 66pt;" width="88"><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<div style="margin: 0px;">
<span style="color: #3f3f3f; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; letter-spacing: -0.5pt;">9107</span></div>
</div>
</td><td colspan="2" style="border-bottom-color: black; border-bottom-width: 1pt; border-right-color: black; border-right-width: 1pt; border-style: none solid solid none; height: 14.25pt; padding: 0in; width: 82.15pt;" width="110"><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<div style="margin: 0px;">
<span style="color: #3f3f3f; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; letter-spacing: -0.5pt;">72926</span></div>
</div>
</td></tr>
<tr style="height: 15pt;"><td style="border: 1pt solid black; height: 15pt; padding: 0in; width: 64.15pt;" width="86"><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<div style="margin: 0px;">
<span style="color: #3f3f3f; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; letter-spacing: -0.5pt;">01/2011</span></div>
</div>
</td><td colspan="2" style="border-bottom-color: black; border-bottom-width: 1pt; border-right-color: black; border-right-width: 1pt; border-style: none solid solid none; height: 15pt; padding: 0in; width: 62.6pt;" width="83"><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<div style="margin: 0px;">
<span style="color: #3f3f3f; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; letter-spacing: -0.5pt;">19741</span></div>
</div>
</td><td colspan="2" style="border-bottom-color: black; border-bottom-width: 1pt; border-right-color: black; border-right-width: 1pt; border-style: none solid solid none; height: 15pt; padding: 0in; width: 66pt;" width="88"><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<div style="margin: 0px;">
<span style="color: #3f3f3f; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; letter-spacing: -0.5pt;">26502</span></div>
</div>
</td><td colspan="2" style="border-bottom-color: black; border-bottom-width: 1pt; border-right-color: black; border-right-width: 1pt; border-style: none solid solid none; height: 15pt; padding: 0in; width: 63pt;" width="84"><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<div style="margin: 0px;">
<span style="color: #3f3f3f; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; letter-spacing: -0.5pt;">25245</span></div>
</div>
</td><td colspan="2" style="border-bottom-color: black; border-bottom-width: 1pt; border-right-color: black; border-right-width: 1pt; border-style: none solid solid none; height: 15pt; padding: 0in; width: 69.75pt;" width="93"><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<div style="margin: 0px;">
<span style="color: #3f3f3f; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; letter-spacing: -0.5pt;">9160</span></div>
</div>
</td><td colspan="2" style="border-bottom-color: black; border-bottom-width: 1pt; border-right-color: black; border-right-width: 1pt; border-style: none solid solid none; height: 15pt; padding: 0in; width: 66pt;" width="88"><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<div style="margin: 0px;">
<span style="color: #3f3f3f; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; letter-spacing: -0.5pt;">8663</span></div>
</div>
</td><td colspan="2" style="border-bottom-color: black; border-bottom-width: 1pt; border-right-color: black; border-right-width: 1pt; border-style: none solid solid none; height: 15pt; padding: 0in; width: 82.15pt;" width="110"><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<div style="margin: 0px;">
<span style="color: #3f3f3f; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; letter-spacing: -0.5pt;">69570</span></div>
</div>
</td></tr>
<tr style="height: 14.25pt; mso-height-rule: exactly; mso-yfti-irow: 4;"><td style="border: 1pt solid black; height: 14.25pt; padding: 0in; width: 64.15pt;" width="86"><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<div style="margin: 0px;">
<span style="color: #3f3f3f; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; letter-spacing: -0.5pt;">01/2012</span></div>
</div>
</td><td colspan="2" style="border-bottom-color: black; border-bottom-width: 1pt; border-right-color: black; border-right-width: 1pt; border-style: none solid solid none; height: 14.25pt; padding: 0in; width: 62.6pt;" width="83"><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<div style="margin: 0px;">
<span style="color: #3f3f3f; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; letter-spacing: -0.5pt;">19964</span></div>
</div>
</td><td colspan="2" style="border-bottom-color: black; border-bottom-width: 1pt; border-right-color: black; border-right-width: 1pt; border-style: none solid solid none; height: 14.25pt; padding: 0in; width: 66pt;" width="88"><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<div style="margin: 0px;">
<span style="color: #3f3f3f; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; letter-spacing: -0.5pt;">25698</span></div>
</div>
</td><td colspan="2" style="border-bottom-color: black; border-bottom-width: 1pt; border-right-color: black; border-right-width: 1pt; border-style: none solid solid none; height: 14.25pt; padding: 0in; width: 63pt;" width="84"><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<div style="margin: 0px;">
<span style="color: #3f3f3f; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; letter-spacing: -0.5pt;">25091</span></div>
</div>
</td><td colspan="2" style="border-bottom-color: black; border-bottom-width: 1pt; border-right-color: black; border-right-width: 1pt; border-style: none solid solid none; height: 14.25pt; padding: 0in; width: 69.75pt;" width="93"><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<div style="margin: 0px;">
<span style="color: #3f3f3f; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; letter-spacing: -0.5pt;">8699</span></div>
</div>
</td><td colspan="2" style="border-bottom-color: black; border-bottom-width: 1pt; border-right-color: black; border-right-width: 1pt; border-style: none solid solid none; height: 14.25pt; padding: 0in; width: 66pt;" width="88"><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<div style="margin: 0px;">
<span style="color: #3f3f3f; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; letter-spacing: -0.5pt;">8391</span></div>
</div>
</td><td colspan="2" style="border-bottom-color: black; border-bottom-width: 1pt; border-right-color: black; border-right-width: 1pt; border-style: none solid solid none; height: 14.25pt; padding: 0in; width: 82.15pt;" width="110"><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<div style="margin: 0px;">
<span style="color: #3f3f3f; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; letter-spacing: -0.5pt;">67879</span></div>
</div>
</td></tr>
<tr style="height: 15pt;"><td colspan="2" style="border: 1pt solid black; height: 15pt; padding: 0in; width: 81pt;" width="108"><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<div style="margin: 0px;">
<span style="color: #3f3f3f; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; letter-spacing: -0.5pt;">01/2013</span></div>
</div>
</td><td colspan="2" style="border-bottom-color: black; border-bottom-width: 1pt; border-right-color: black; border-right-width: 1pt; border-style: none solid solid none; height: 15pt; padding: 0in; width: 63pt;" width="84"><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<div style="margin: 0px;">
<span style="color: #3f3f3f; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; letter-spacing: -0.5pt;">19658</span></div>
</div>
</td><td colspan="2" style="border-bottom-color: black; border-bottom-width: 1pt; border-right-color: black; border-right-width: 1pt; border-style: none solid solid none; height: 15pt; padding: 0in; width: 66pt;" width="88"><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<div style="margin: 0px;">
<span style="color: #3f3f3f; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; letter-spacing: -0.5pt;">25168</span></div>
</div>
</td><td colspan="2" style="border-bottom-color: black; border-bottom-width: 1pt; border-right-color: black; border-right-width: 1pt; border-style: none solid solid none; height: 15pt; padding: 0in; width: 63pt;" width="84"><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<div style="margin: 0px;">
<span style="color: #3f3f3f; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; letter-spacing: -0.5pt;">25138</span></div>
</div>
</td><td colspan="2" style="border-bottom-color: black; border-bottom-width: 1pt; border-right-color: black; border-right-width: 1pt; border-style: none solid solid none; height: 15pt; padding: 0in; width: 69.4pt;" width="93"><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<div style="margin: 0px;">
<span style="color: #3f3f3f; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; letter-spacing: -0.5pt;">8532</span></div>
</div>
</td><td colspan="2" style="border-bottom-color: black; border-bottom-width: 1pt; border-right-color: black; border-right-width: 1pt; border-style: none solid solid none; height: 15pt; padding: 0in; width: 66pt;" width="88"><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<div style="margin: 0px;">
<span style="color: #3f3f3f; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; letter-spacing: -0.5pt;">8080</span></div>
</div>
</td><td style="border-bottom-color: black; border-bottom-width: 1pt; border-right-color: black; border-right-width: 1pt; border-style: none solid solid none; height: 15pt; padding: 0in; width: 65.25pt;" width="87"><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<div style="margin: 0px;">
<span style="color: #3f3f3f; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; letter-spacing: -0.5pt;">66918</span></div>
</div>
</td></tr>
<tr style="height: 14.25pt; mso-height-rule: exactly; mso-yfti-irow: 6;"><td colspan="2" style="border: 1pt solid black; height: 14.25pt; padding: 0in; width: 81pt;" width="108"><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<div style="margin: 0px;">
<span style="color: #3f3f3f; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; letter-spacing: -0.5pt;">01/2014</span></div>
</div>
</td><td colspan="2" style="border-bottom-color: black; border-bottom-width: 1pt; border-right-color: black; border-right-width: 1pt; border-style: none solid solid none; height: 14.25pt; padding: 0in; width: 63pt;" width="84"><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<div style="margin: 0px;">
<span style="color: #3f3f3f; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; letter-spacing: -0.5pt;">19575</span></div>
</div>
</td><td colspan="2" style="border-bottom-color: black; border-bottom-width: 1pt; border-right-color: black; border-right-width: 1pt; border-style: none solid solid none; height: 14.25pt; padding: 0in; width: 66pt;" width="88"><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<div style="margin: 0px;">
<span style="color: #3f3f3f; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; letter-spacing: -0.5pt;">24871</span></div>
</div>
</td><td colspan="2" style="border-bottom-color: black; border-bottom-width: 1pt; border-right-color: black; border-right-width: 1pt; border-style: none solid solid none; height: 14.25pt; padding: 0in; width: 63pt;" width="84"><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<div style="margin: 0px;">
<span style="color: #3f3f3f; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; letter-spacing: -0.5pt;">24993</span></div>
</div>
</td><td colspan="2" style="border-bottom-color: black; border-bottom-width: 1pt; border-right-color: black; border-right-width: 1pt; border-style: none solid solid none; height: 14.25pt; padding: 0in; width: 69.4pt;" width="93"><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<div style="margin: 0px;">
<span style="color: #3f3f3f; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; letter-spacing: -0.5pt;">7958</span></div>
</div>
</td><td colspan="2" style="border-bottom-color: black; border-bottom-width: 1pt; border-right-color: black; border-right-width: 1pt; border-style: none solid solid none; height: 14.25pt; padding: 0in; width: 66pt;" width="88"><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<div style="margin: 0px;">
<span style="color: #3f3f3f; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; letter-spacing: -0.5pt;">7726</span></div>
</div>
</td><td style="border-bottom-color: black; border-bottom-width: 1pt; border-right-color: black; border-right-width: 1pt; border-style: none solid solid none; height: 14.25pt; padding: 0in; width: 65.25pt;" width="87"><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<div style="margin: 0px;">
<span style="color: #3f3f3f; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; letter-spacing: -0.5pt;">65548</span></div>
</div>
</td></tr>
<tr style="height: 15pt;"><td colspan="2" style="border: 1pt solid black; height: 15pt; padding: 0in; width: 81pt;" width="108"><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<div style="margin: 0px;">
<span style="color: #3f3f3f; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; letter-spacing: -0.5pt;">01/2015</span></div>
</div>
</td><td colspan="2" style="border-bottom-color: black; border-bottom-width: 1pt; border-right-color: black; border-right-width: 1pt; border-style: none solid solid none; height: 15pt; padding: 0in; width: 63pt;" width="84"><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<div style="margin: 0px;">
<span style="color: #3f3f3f; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; letter-spacing: -0.5pt;">19647</span></div>
</div>
</td><td colspan="2" style="border-bottom-color: black; border-bottom-width: 1pt; border-right-color: black; border-right-width: 1pt; border-style: none solid solid none; height: 15pt; padding: 0in; width: 66pt;" width="88"><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<div style="margin: 0px;">
<span style="color: #3f3f3f; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; letter-spacing: -0.5pt;">25008</span></div>
</div>
</td><td colspan="2" style="border-bottom-color: black; border-bottom-width: 1pt; border-right-color: black; border-right-width: 1pt; border-style: none solid solid none; height: 15pt; padding: 0in; width: 63pt;" width="84"><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<div style="margin: 0px;">
<span style="color: #3f3f3f; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; letter-spacing: -0.5pt;">25345</span></div>
</div>
</td><td colspan="2" style="border-bottom-color: black; border-bottom-width: 1pt; border-right-color: black; border-right-width: 1pt; border-style: none solid solid none; height: 15pt; padding: 0in; width: 69.4pt;" width="93"><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<div style="margin: 0px;">
<span style="color: #3f3f3f; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; letter-spacing: -0.5pt;">7346</span></div>
</div>
</td><td colspan="2" style="border-bottom-color: black; border-bottom-width: 1pt; border-right-color: black; border-right-width: 1pt; border-style: none solid solid none; height: 15pt; padding: 0in; width: 66pt;" width="88"><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<div style="margin: 0px;">
<span style="color: #3f3f3f; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; letter-spacing: -0.5pt;">7102</span></div>
</div>
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<span style="color: #3f3f3f; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; letter-spacing: -0.5pt;">64801</span></div>
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<span style="color: #3f3f3f; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; letter-spacing: -0.5pt;">19435</span></div>
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<span style="color: #3f3f3f; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; letter-spacing: -0.5pt;">25157</span></div>
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<div style="margin: 0px;">
<span style="color: #3f3f3f; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; letter-spacing: -0.5pt;">25380</span></div>
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<div style="margin: 0px;">
<span style="color: #3f3f3f; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; letter-spacing: -0.5pt;">6766</span></div>
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</td><td colspan="2" style="border-bottom-color: black; border-bottom-width: 1pt; border-right-color: black; border-right-width: 1pt; border-style: none solid solid none; height: 16.85pt; padding: 0in; width: 66pt;" width="88"><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<div style="margin: 0px;">
<span style="color: #3f3f3f; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; letter-spacing: -0.5pt;">6776</span></div>
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</td><td style="border-bottom-color: black; border-bottom-width: 1pt; border-right-color: black; border-right-width: 1pt; border-style: none solid solid none; height: 16.85pt; padding: 0in; width: 65.25pt;" width="87"><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<div style="margin: 0px;">
<span style="color: #3f3f3f; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; letter-spacing: -0.5pt;">64079</span></div>
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</td></tr>
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<![endif]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Absence of right to access government jobs in India has compelled the
refugees to get engaged in unorganized manual labour market and private sector.
Agriculture and fishing was the job of these refugees when they were in Sri
Lanka. Refugees have no right to buy land or property to start a business or
engage in agriculture. Therefore, most of them are involved in painting,
digging, construction works and agriculture on other person’s land. This work
is generally available only a few days in a month and they stay unemployed the
remaining </span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">days.
<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: inherit;"><b><b><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; letter-spacing: -0.6pt;"><br /></span></b></b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjcwLaRDjoBqvELy-EIJuw9M0IVCA7H4SegzGYRQ0hqDIngVPZc-jKXLTZO5MRjg6TSKjhkkli5hhQADCmOm50qP40iReOhaQyCIoZiEtANzFNQjvW5zxJ38dVZ7lJ9zp2FSwqcDA/s1600/maneesh+P+figure.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><img border="0" height="292" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjcwLaRDjoBqvELy-EIJuw9M0IVCA7H4SegzGYRQ0hqDIngVPZc-jKXLTZO5MRjg6TSKjhkkli5hhQADCmOm50qP40iReOhaQyCIoZiEtANzFNQjvW5zxJ38dVZ7lJ9zp2FSwqcDA/s640/maneesh+P+figure.jpg" style="cursor: move;" width="640" /></span></a><span lang="EN-IN" style="line-height: 24px;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"> </span></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In 2011, 1728 persons were
returned to Sri Lanka and 1291 persons in 2012. The return of refugees to Sri
Lanka has been declining gradually (see figure 1). In 2013, 273 families, (718
members) were returned to Sri Lanka. Likewise, 453 persons were returned to their
native places in Sri Lanka during 2015. In the beginning of 2016, 50 families
consisting of 163 persons were returned to Sri Lanka. The educated refugees
return to Sri Lanka to renew their passport so that they may go to foreign
countries in search of a job. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;">Refugees
are unskilled labours therefore they have least bargaining power for higher
wage rates. Simultaneously, the increase in supply of labour force in the
domestic labour market has resulted in a fall in wage rate. Refugees have
experienced discrimination in payment and recruitment. Refugee camps are
located in interior parts of Tamil Nadu where employment opportunities are
limited. </span><span lang="EN-IN" style="background: white; font-size: 12.0pt;">If<span class="apple-converted-space"> a </span><span class="correction"><span style="border: none windowtext 1.0pt; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0in; padding: 0in;">refugee youth</span></span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span>is
made to discontinue his<span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><span class="correction"><span style="border: none windowtext 1.0pt; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0in; padding: 0in;">education, he </span></span>will enter the local<span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><span class="correction"><span style="border: none windowtext 1.0pt; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0in; padding: 0in;">labour</span></span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span>market
to search<span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><span class="correction"><span style="border: none windowtext 1.0pt; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0in; padding: 0in;">jobs</span></span>. This will result in further decline in<span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><span class="correction"><span style="border: none windowtext 1.0pt; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0in; padding: 0in;">the wage rate</span></span>. It is necessary to give citizenship
and access to government jobs to these refugees in order to curtail<span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><span class="correction"><span style="border: none windowtext 1.0pt; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0in; padding: 0in;">dropout</span></span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span>of<span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><span class="correction"><span style="border: none windowtext 1.0pt; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0in; padding: 0in;">refugee </span></span>youth and solving their unemployment problems.</span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">
</span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;">Refugees
can achieve higher socio-economic well being only by ensuring better employment
and effective social security schemes. Provision of education in skill
development and loans to setup small business units through NGOs and banks will
help to reduce the problem of unemployment. </span></span></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt;">References </span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">1.<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span></span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;">Alison. M.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Armed Violence and Poverty in Sri Lanka: A
mini case study for the Armed Violence and Poverty Initiative, Centre for
International Cooperation and Security, University of Bradford, UK, 2004;
available
at:http://www.brad.ac.uk/acad/cics/publications/AVPI/poverty/AVPI_Sri_Lanka.pdf</span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;"></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">2.<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span></span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;">Amirthalingam,
K. and Lakshman R. W. D. Displaced Livelihoods in Sri Lanka: An Economic
Analysis. <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Journal of Refugee Studies</i>.
2009; 22(4):502–523.</span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;"></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">3.<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span></span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;">Arunatilake,
N.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>S. Jayasuriya and S. Kelegama. The
Economic Cost of the War in Sri Lanka. <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">World
Development</i>. 2001; 29(9):1483–1500.</span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;"></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraph" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: .25in; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 0in; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">4.<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span></span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;">Brian.
G., and Khan, S. R. Refugee Protection and Human Rights Protection:
International Principles and Practice in India, <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Refugee</i>. 1997; 16(6):39-43.</span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;"></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">5.<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span></span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;">Burn Cathrine. Local Citizen or Internally
Displaced Persons? Dilemmas of Long Term Displacement in Sri Lanka. <i>Journal
of refugee studies</i>.2003; 16(4):376-397.</span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraph" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: .25in; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 0in; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">6.<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span></span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;">Chimni,
B. S. Symposium on the Human Rights of Refugees \The Legal Condition of Refugees
in India. <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Journal of Refugee Studies</i>.
1994; 7(4): p.379.</span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;"></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">7.<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span></span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;">Dasgupta,
V. Long-term Camp Life and Changing Identities of Sri Lankan Women Refugees in
India. <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Bangladesh e-Journal of Sociology</i>.
2005; 2(2):1–12.</span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;"></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">8.<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span></span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;">Dasgupta Abhijith. Repatriation of Sri Lankan Refugees.
<i>Economic and Political Weekly</i>. 2003; 38(24):2365-2367</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">9.<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span></span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;">George Miriam. Sri Lankan Tamil Refugee Experience:
A Quantitative Analysis. <i>International Journal of Culture and Mental Health</i>.2013;
6(3):170-182.</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">10.<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span></span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;">Government of Tamil Nadu Report, Camp Population of
Sri Lankan Refugees at various Camps Centres in Tamil Nadu, dated 14 July,
2008.</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">11.<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span></span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;">Hans,
A. Repatriation of the Sri Lankan Refugees from India. <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Bulletin on IHL and Refugee Law</i>. 1997; 2(1): 97-108.</span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;"></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: .25in; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 0in; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">12.<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span></span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;">Hennayake K Santha. The Peace Accord and the Tamil
in Sri Lanka. <i>Asian Survey</i>. 1989; 29(4):401-415.</span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: .25in; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 0in; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">13.<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span></span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;">Information Handbook, Department Of Rehabilitation.
Government of Tamil Nadu.</span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: .25in; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 0in; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">14.<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span></span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;">Jayapalan Athithan. Refugee Status and Citizenship:
The Refuge of Sri Lankan Tamils in India (South India)/ Sri Lankan Tamil
Refugees in India, 2012. http://www.countercurrents.org/jayapalan120612.html.
Date accessed: 25/05/2016</span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraph" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: .25in; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 0in; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">15.<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span></span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;">Kearney.
R. N. Language and the Rise of Tamil Separatism in Sri Lanka. <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Asian Survey</i>, 1978; 18(5):521– 553</span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;"></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: normal; margin-left: .25in; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">16.</span></span><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;"><span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span></span></b><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;">Kristine
Hoglund (2005) Violence and the Peace Process in Sri Lanka.
http://www.operationspaix.net/DATA/DOCUMENT/5703~v~Violence_and_Peace_Process_in_Sri_Lanka.pdf.
Date accessed: 01/10/16</span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraph" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: .25in; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 0in; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">17.<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span></span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;">L.M.
Grobar & S. Gnanaselvam. The Economic Effects of the Sri Lankan Civil War. <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Economic Development and Cultural Change</i>.
1993; 41(2):395–405 </span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;"></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: .25in; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 0in; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">18.<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span></span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;">Mills, Megan Stuart. Mental Health Resilience of
Refugees: The case of Tamil Refugees. <i>Refuge</i>. 1993; 13(3):26-29.</span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraph" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: .25in; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 0in; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">19.<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span></span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;">P Maneesh and C. Muniyandi, Deprived Outlander in
India: An Analysis of Sri Lankan- Tamil Refugees.<i> </i></span><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt; letter-spacing: 0.75pt;">International Journal of Applied Research</span></i><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt; letter-spacing: 0.75pt;">,2016;2(7):
332-38</span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;"></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: .25in; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 0in; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">20.<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span></span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;">Raizada Himanshi. Sri Lankan Refugees in India: The
Problem and the Uncertainty. International Journal of Peace and
Development.2013; 1(1):01-29.</span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraph" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: .25in; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 0in; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">21.<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span></span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;">Suryanarayan.
V. and Sudarsen, V. Between Fear and Hope: Sri Lankan Refugees in Tamil Nadu.
1993; T. R. Publications, Chennai.</span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;"></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: .25in; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 0in; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">22.<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span></span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;">The Refugee Council, London. The Sri Lanka Project.
Sri Lankan refugees in the Indian state of Tamil Nadu. August, 1999.</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">23.<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span></span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;">Valatheeswaran C, Irudaya Rajan S. Sri Lankan Tamil
Refugees in India: Rehabilitation Mechanisms, Livelihood Strategies, and
Lasting Solutions. <i>Refugee Survey Quarterly.</i> 2011; 30(2):24-44.</span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraph" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: .25in; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 0in; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">24.<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span></span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;">Weiner
M. Rejected Peoples and Unwanted Migrants in South Asia. <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Economic and Political Weekly</i>. 1993; 28(34):1737-46</span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;"></span></span></div>
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Refugee Watch Onlinehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03064436275994106376noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-20220463.post-71337176907318252062016-11-25T12:01:00.002+05:302016-11-25T13:17:17.737+05:30The Haifa Port: A Mediterranean Gateway<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: 12pt; text-align: justify;">Priya Singh</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: "garamond" , serif;">(</span></span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">Priya Singh is a Research
Scholar at the University of Calcutta and a commentator on West Asian Politics.
She can be reached at priyasingh70@gmail.com)</span></span><br />
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 12pt;"><br /></span>
</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><i><span lang="EN-IN" style="color: #111111; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">"Israel is returning to its historic
role, as a transit country, as a bridge between continents, where historic
trade routes passed through."</span></i><span lang="EN-IN" style="color: #111111; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"> *<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;">The Mediterranean has been in the headlines
since last year. It has witnessed an assertive Russian policy, instability in
the Arab world, which resulted in a massive exodus of refugees via the
Mediterranean from the Arab countries to Greece and Italy. Yet, </span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;">the
continuous political instability, together with the economic recession in
China, is likely to result in a slower pace in investment in critical
infrastructure such as port facilities, in most Eastern Mediterranean
countries. Nevertheless, the significance of the region in this age of
heightened awareness in the strategic and security aspects of the global
maritime field cannot be ignored. Non-state actors now pose a security threat
to the region and even though most of the combating occurs on the ground or
through aerial bombings, they have proven their capacity to attack naval
platforms. Parts of the East Mediterranean sea have been subject to divergent
sovereignty claims, over zones of exclusive economic interests (EEZ), e.g., the
dispute between Israel and Lebanon and between Turkey and Cyprus. The recent gas discoveries in the
Mediterranean are likely to aggravate existing conflicts over demarcation of
maritime borders in the region. Two of the leading fleets in the region, of
Israel and Egypt have affirmed major naval acquisitions in 2015. The Israeli
public has displayed unparalleled interest in diverse aspects of the sea in
recent years, including plans to deepen and enlarge the volume of its existing
merchant ports. It is in this context that Haifa, as a port city within Israel
assumes significance in terms of offering an access to the Mediterranean. </span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;">Haifa
(Arabic, <i>Hayfa</i> and Hebrew, <i>Hefa)</i>, situated in the North of Israel,
a thriving Mediterranean port city, is the third largest city and the main harbour
of Israel. In the historical sense, the origins of Haifa date back to around
3,000 years and in terms of literary historiography, the most noteworthy
allusion to Haifa is to be found in Theodor Herzl’s <i>Altneuland</i>, a utopian novel written in 1902 wherein </span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;">Haifa is of immense consequence to the envisaged ‘New Society’ in <i>Eretz Israel</i> (Land of Israel). As a port
city, it is the gateway by way of which the principal characters, and with them
the readers, are familiarised with the idealistic society in <i>Eretz Israel</i> of the future. In this work
of fiction, Haifa is imagined as a perfect urban space, personifying, both in
terms of space and in a social context, the intrinsic worth of the idyllic new
Jewish society: a fair, progressive, democratic, and multi-ethnic society deeply
entrenched in the territory of the ancient land, symbolising both modernity and
enlightenment.</span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;">
Haifa’s status as a modern industrialized city reaping benefits out of the
globalisation of the twentieth century has shaped its current position and
opportunities and in contemporary literature it is perceived as an embodiment of
spatial and cultural heterogeneity, diversity and coexistence. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;">It was in the 1920s that the British
Mandate began the construction of a deep water port in Haifa, and in 1933 the
port was officially opened. Haifa’s strategic setting prompted the British to opt
for it as the site for a number of enterprises that connected Palestine to the
rest of the British Empire. The most significant being the Haifa port and the
Palestine railways. The Haifa port with its deep-water harbour secured the entrance
of the empire to the east, and the passage to the Suez Canal from the north. It
also served to connect Europe with Palestine and the Middle East, and was the primary
waterway for the transit of both people and cargo. The port personified the spirit
of the city and </span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;">enabled Haifa to flourish. In 1936, the city
had a population of over 100,000. The port was a gateway for thousands of
immigrants who fled to </span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;">Israel</span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;"> in
the wake of the Second World War. With the Mediterranean as its Western border and
the eastern borders quarantined by its </span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;">Arab</span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;"> neighbours, Haifa provided
for a critical gateway to the rest of the world, and facilitated </span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;">Israel’s</span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;"> emergence</span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;"> as
an economic power. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;">The modern port of Haifa
is situated in a natural, safe and sheltered bay</span><span lang="EN-IN" style="color: #494949; font-size: 12pt;"> </span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12pt;">as such there is unhindered and unrestricted entry and
exit for vessels all through the year.</span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;"> It is in close
proximity</span><span lang="EN-IN" style="color: #494949; font-size: 12pt;"> </span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12pt;">to the busiest shipping route in the world, from and to
the Suez Canal.</span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;"> Its construction and foundation enables the
shipping and transportation of all categories of ship and cargo, including
docking services for large passenger liners<span style="color: #c00000;">. </span>From
the creation of the state of Israel </span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;">until 2005, the Haifa Port was directly
under the control of the Israeli government. In 2005, the government-owned
Haifa Port Company became the official port operator. </span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;">The
Port of Haifa has multiple cargo terminals, and is competent to service several
ships concurrently. There is a railroad
freight terminal within the port that is used for transporting goods across the
country. </span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12pt;">The Haifa port is regarded as one
of the favourite ports of call for the US Navy’s Sixth Fleet; accounting for
approximately 50 percent of all its visits in the Eastern Mediterranean region.
An average of 20 US warships, as well as aircraft carriers, stopover at the
port every year, primarily to exploit the harbour’s<span class="apple-converted-space"> </span></span><span class="vm-hook"><span lang="EN-IN" style="border: none 1.0pt; font-size: 12.0pt; padding: 0in;">highly rated</span></span><span class="apple-converted-space"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12pt;"> </span></span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12pt;"> repair and servicing amenities. One of the unexpected
and remarkable consequences of Syrian civil war has been the increasing use of
Israel as a passage for trade between Europe and the Arab world. It makes sense to use Haifa as a hub between
Europe and the Arab world as the routes from Haifa in Israel to Jordan, Iraq
and even Saudi Arabia are much faster and economical. In the past, this route was used by the
Ottoman and British empires till the creation of the state of Israel. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12pt;">In 2012, according to a report published by the OECD, (Organisation for
Economic Co-operation and Development) Haifa’s container port was ranked as the
fourth most efficient port in the world. In the same year, the Israel Port
Authority proposed and designed an ambitious plan for the expansion of the
Haifa port at an estimated cost of approximately 4 billion US dollars. The
envisaged plan aims to dramatically alter the appearance of the city and the
Haifa bay albeit coming under severe criticisms over concerns regarding its
environmental consequences. In May 2015, the </span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12pt;">Shanghai International Port Group (SIPG) signed an agreement with Israel
to develop and run the new Haifa port for the next 25 years. According to the contract,
SIPG will invest around 2 billion US dollars in constructing port facilities
and installing equipment at the port. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;">Haifa in present times, like any other
urban space within contemporary Israel is dealing with the complexities,
ruptures and fault-lines both within the Jewish society and the sizeable Arab
minority. The reality is far removed from the envisaged utopia of Herzl’s <i>Altneuland</i>. Yet, </span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;">Haifa, the port city of Israel is perceived as an enclave that due
to its inherent strategic setting epitomizes extraordinary potential, which may
not be found in the rest of the Israeli space. </span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;"> *</span><span lang="EN-IN" style="color: #111111; font-size: 12.0pt;">Yael
Ravia-Zadok, head of the Middle Eastern Economic Affairs Bureau in Israel’s
Foreign Ministry.<span class="apple-converted-space"> <o:p></o:p></span></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: 12pt;">
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><span class="apple-converted-space"><span lang="EN-IN" style="color: #111111; font-size: 12.0pt;">The piece
on Haifa (</span></span><i><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;">The Haifa Port: A
Mediterranean Gateway</span></i><b><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;">) </span></b><span class="apple-converted-space"><span lang="EN-IN" style="color: #111111; font-size: 12.0pt;">has benefited from the research
on </span></span><i><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;">Kolkata
as a Logistical Hub with Special Reference to the Kolkata Port</span></i></span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12.0pt;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">,
by Iman Mitra. This research was part of the Calcutta Research Group- Rosa
Luxemburg Stiftung research project on <i>A Social Mapping of Infrastructure,
Logistics and India’s Look East Policy</i> that was presented at a Research
Workshop on 1 September 2016 at Kolkata. The Haifa port has been dealt with in
terms of its geo-political setting, history and infrastructure, which is along
the lines in which the essay on Kolkata port has been structured. </span><span style="font-family: "garamond" , serif;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
</div>
</div>
Refugee Watch Onlinehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03064436275994106376noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-20220463.post-20503273910030198612016-11-22T11:07:00.000+05:302016-11-25T13:16:55.658+05:30Homeless Migrants in Mumbai: Life and Labour in Urban Space<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Manish K. Jha and Pushpendra</span><br />
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span>
(<span style="font-size: 11pt; text-align: justify;">Manish
K. Jha - </span><span style="font-size: 11pt; text-align: justify;"><a href="mailto:manishj@tiss.edu">manishj@tiss.edu</a></span><span style="font-size: 11pt; text-align: justify;"> and Pushpendra -</span><span style="font-size: 11pt; text-align: justify;"><a href="mailto:pushpendra@tiss.edu">pushpendra@tiss.edu</a></span><span style="font-size: 11pt; text-align: justify;"> are with the Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Mumbai).</span></span><br />
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: 11.0pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><br /></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Introduction<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><br /></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Labour migration from rural to urban
areas is a persistent feature in India, where a substantial chunk of the
migrants belonging to working classes in cities have no access to dignified
housing. They conform to the definition developed by the United Nations considering
a homeless person as one having no place as shelter or whose housing fails to
meet basic criteria including security of tenure, protection against bad
weather and personal security, as well as access to sanitary facilities, potable
water, education, work, and health services (Speak and Tipple 2006). On the
other hand, at least half of the migrants have become indispensible to the
city’s economy by filling-in cheap labour-oriented and unskilled jobs (Mumbai
Human Development Report, 2009). Owing to precarious financial conditions, poor
migrants in cities are pushed to impoverished lives and homelessness. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The social cost of making Mumbai a global
city is starkly evident in rising social inequality, making the disadvantaged
sections of the society more vulnerable, and dispossessing the poor in the
process (Banerjee-Guha, 2009). The neoliberal state apparatus is coupled with
‘bourgeois urbanism’ (Chatterjee, 2004) that informalises labour, legitimizes
low wages, sharpens socio-economic inequalities and institutionalizes
displacement, eviction and homelessness for toiling masses. This short paper
looks briefly into the issues and experiences of homelessness in the city of
Mumbai through empirical studies in different locations. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Life in a Slum: From Dispossession to Illegality<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><br /></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The Shivajinagar slum in M-East Ward
has been an abode for evictees, displaced and relocated since 1975 and its
majority comprises of victims of urban developmental projects (Bjorkman
2014:43). As an urban periphery, its swampy boundary, juxtaposed Deonar dumping
ground and nearby slaughter house made their abode difficult. Indira Nagar, one
such illegal settlement, is located adjacent to the dumping ground. Here, makeshift
shelters built on marshy lands and garbage heaps are characterized by tarpaulin
sheets, tin shades, crowded and filthy lanes, overflowing drains and the overpowering
stench from the dumping ground. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Shafina, a Muslim migrant from UP,
lives here with her family in a room of 10 x 12 ft. A single room, unventilated
with no electricity connection, serves the purposes of a big family while most
of the household tasks are done outside. The family gets water from corporate-run
business and pays Rs. 2 for every single use of private toilet. The
anti-encroachment drive on an otherwise non-inhabitable land is a customary
routine of BMC that demolishes shanties and confiscates all belongings. Facing
constant threat of eviction, these shanty dwellers have now been organized
against demolitions by NGOs. For them, demolitions and atrocities by Brihanmumbai
Municipal Corporation (BMC) along with a lack of basic amenities are major
issues in their everyday lives. Here, the urban subjectivities are produced on
the backdrop of processes of capital accumulation and production of urban space.
<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Conducting Private Life in Public<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><br /></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Binod and Neela, a migrant couple in
their 50s, live with their family on the pavements of Mahim railway station.
For them, living in full public gaze was incomprehensible earlier, but their
habitation and struggles made it routine. This required integration into the
“homeless street culture” (Hodgetts et. al. 2012) which exhibits living private
life in public and ignoring public gaze. Rajni, a homeless at Cross Maidan,
explains her sense of home and homelessness “I am here since the time I was
born…the government or the people would look at us as homeless and so we are we
are known as homeless.” For them, access to basic facilities is expensive,
limited and comes with huge financial burdens. They have to visit nearby ‘pay
and use’ toilets and developing networks with shopkeepers and guards as
strategies. Urinating is done at public places and they use temporary cloth
curtains to cover themselves while taking bath. Rajni explains this to be a
normal, non-embarrassing experience. However, if someone stares at her, she shouts
and ensures her safety. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">For years, Rajni and others on the
pavement have kept up the fight to keep it clean. Neela mentioned, “Many a
times, drunken men try to molest women. Sometime we catch them and ensure
beating but it is difficult to lodge a police complaint because of our
‘illegal’ habitation and it might lead to our insult and humiliation.” Neela’s
explanation of two generations on the streets points to the structural aspects
of their marginalization that is rooted in the materiality of their social
existence. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Homeless Workers of Multinational Brands<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><br /></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The category of homeless migrants is mostly
engaged in vulnerable employment, generally characterized by uncertainty and
economic insecurity. Typical conditions of precarious employment are low wages,
poor protection from termination of employment, lack of access to social
protection and benefits, and limited or no ability to exercise human rights at
work (ILO 2011). The link between precarious employment and poverty is evident
in India, where about 92% of a workforce of 457 million is estimated to be in
unorganised sector (Ferus-Comelo, 2014).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">A study of a garment manufacturing unit
in Dharavi reveals how work, workplace and shelter conjoin to extract the
maximum labour from a worker and, at the same time, keep the worker homeless
and precariat. The unit takes up work for multinational and big national brands
and operates from a two floor chawl. Rooms are of approximately 7 x 5 feet,
with walls on three sides and a shutter to lock at night. The staircase, a
narrow straight iron ladder, to the upper part of the unit was through a dark,
narrow lane which was very difficult to climb. After a few steps a thick rope
was found hanging from the roof so that the climber could hold it for safety. The
hot and humid room with no ventilation had six workers working at that time in their
undergarments. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">One end of the room had stitching
machines while the other end had folded beds, rolled mats and personal items. This
arrangement enabled the workers to use the same space for working as well as
living as all of them were poor migrants unable to rent separate living
quarters. The Dharavi unit is an example of how present capitalist production
relies on supply of cheap labour from the rural sector. Coming from a
subsistence sector they lack the capacity to bargain for fair wages and decent
working conditions. However, this is hardly an issue for the state in
neoliberal times which has unleashed labour reform measures in the interests of
capital. Migrant labour unfailingly provides a fertile field to understand the
nuances of precariety, insecurity, and struggles in the urban.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Conclusion<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><br /></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Following the economic liberalization
and control by economic elites, there has been withdrawal of state from
generating employment, providing housing and basic services to many and it has
restricted access to affordable housing, services, work spaces, social welfare
and participation that can undermine the daily living experiences of these
groups and their legitimate access to city spaces. They have been further
branded as encroachers, illegal, and defined as the ‘other’. Illustrations
through explorations expose the homeless migrants’ everyday encounter with
structural violence, which appears as a lowering of basic needs below what is
potentially possible (Galtung 1990:292). <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">References<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><br /></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Banerjee-Guha, S. (2009).
Neoliberalising the ‘Urban’: New Geographies of Power and Injustice in Indian
Cities, Economic and Political Weekly, XLIV (22), 95-107.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Bjorkman, L. (2014). Becoming a Slum:
From Municipal Colony to illegal Settlement in Liberalization- Era Mumbai.
International Journal of Urban and Regional Research2014 , 38 (1), 36-59.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Chatterjee, P. (2004). The Politics of
the Governed: Reflections on Popular Politics in Most of the World. New York:
Columbia University Press.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Ferus-Comelo, A. (2014). Migration and
Precariousness: Two Sides of the Contract Labour Coin. Economic and Political
Weekly, XLIX (36), 39-47.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Galtung, J. (1990). Cultural Violence.
Journal of Peace Research, Vol. 27, No. 3 (Aug., 1990), pp. 291-305.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Hodgetts, D., Stolte, O., Chamberlain,
K., Radley, A., Nikora, L., Nabalarua, E., & Groot, S. (2008). A trip to
the library: Homelessness and social inclusion. Social and Cultural Geography,
9 (8), 933-953.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">ILO. (2011). Policies and Regulations
to Combat Precarious Employment. Geneva: International Labour Organisation.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Mumbai Human Development Report 2009
(2010). Municipal Corporation of Greater Mumbai and New Delhi: Oxford
University Press.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><br /></span>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">Speak, S. & Tipple, G. (20060.
Perceptions, Persecution and Pity: The Limitations of Interventions for
Homelessness in Developing Countries. International Journal of Urban and
Regional Research, 172-188.</span><span style="font-family: verdana, sans-serif;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
Refugee Watch Onlinehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03064436275994106376noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-20220463.post-91342958230837946072016-11-04T15:35:00.001+05:302016-11-04T15:35:13.785+05:30Causes and consequences of migration: An Indo Bangla case<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">Madhurima Chowdhury</span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">(Madhurima works at the Department of South and Southeast Asian Studies, Calcutta University, and can be reached at chowdhury.madhurima@gmail.com)</span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">India
has a long and complicated history of migration across eastern border,
particularly large scale flows from Bangladesh to India. After India's
independence in 1947 it has taken a political dimension, wherein documented and
undocumented immigration poses threat to India's national security. India’s with
border with Bangladesh is the longest among all the neighbours and West Bengal
has always been at the receiving end of the Bangladeshi migrants since 1947. It
is tragic fact of history that partition of Bengal was the cruellest partition
in the history of the world and brought in unimaginable miseries to millions of
the countrymen who had been forced to leave their ancestral homes under
compelling circumstances.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">Geographically,
historically, and culturally, Bangladesh forms the larger and more populous
part of Bengal, the remainder of which constitutes the neighbouring Indian
state of West Bengal. Just after partition in 1947 massive refugee migration
took place and later all illegal migration was considered Indian citizen by
Indian government. The most tragic part of history was the partition of Bengal
in 1947, which brought about immeasurable sufferings to millions of countrymen
who were forced to leave their ancestral home under compelling situations.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">Petrapole
is situated on the Indian side of Petrapole-Benapole border checkpoint between
India and Benapole of Bangladesh near Bongaon in North 24 Parganas district of
West Bengal. Petrapole border is the only land port in south Bengal. It is also
the largest land customs station in Asia. This check post accounts for more
than half of the $4-billion (nearly double the trade volume with Pakistan)
trade with Bangladesh. This is the largest land port of Asia. The landport
alone accounts for nearly 60 per cent of the bilateral trade between India and
Bangladesh. According to study by RITES, the goods traffic is approximately 400
trucks per day both ways, while the 2006 passenger traffic was about 1,159
people per day (both incoming and outgoing). The total traffic in 2029-30 has
been projected as 2,938 trucks per day and the passenger traffic by then will
be 3,924 people per day. With the remote possibility of improvements in the
narrow roads leading to the border, because of land acquisition problems, the
focus is now on improving the rail transportation system.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">There are various factors like the economic,
political and demographic reasons for Bangladeshi migration. a) Economic push
factors that motivated people to leave Bangladesh have been 1) Instability and
economic depression in Bangladesh, 2) Poverty, 3) Lack of employment
opportunity, 4) Struggle for livelihood, 5)Forced grabbing of landed property
from minority group in Bangladesh, 6)Economic insecurity. 7) Lack of
industrialization.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">b)
Another factor motivating migration to West Bengal is demographic disproportion
especially for minorities (Hindus) in this densely populated country having
roughly a density of 780 per sq km as against half that number on Indian side
of the border.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">e)
Political instability, fear of riots and terrorism in Bangladesh inhuman
attitude and activities of the political leaders, domination of religious
fundamentalists in Bangladesh worked as push factor, whereas Indian political
patronage to the illegal migrants for vote bank has worked as pull factor for
Bangladeshi migration. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">f)
Being cheap labour the Bangladeshis find easy acceptance as “domestic helps” in
Indian homes, which keeps proliferating by ever increasing demand for domestic
helps. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"> g) Geographic proximity, cultural similarity,
homo-ethnic climate act as a pull factor for the migrants. The study reveals
that migrants contributed to fertility of West Bengal, and the reasons can be
attributed to a) illiteracy of migrants b) migration by family, c) unawareness
about family planning, d) lack of easy access to scientific family planning
method, sexual abuse and unwanted children.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">In
recent years, various reports and stories have been published in newspapers and
magazines in West Bengal dwelling on what is alleged to be illegal migration
from Bangladesh into West Bengal. Often such reports and stories are based on
hearsay evidence without support of authentic documents. It is true that
presence of common border with Bangladesh all across the eastern side of the
state has made it administratively impossible to keep track of such migration.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">Primary
sector like agriculture and forest were overcrowded by the migration flow of
low skilled labourers. The agricultural sectors have improved wherever the
migrants have settled; since they are hardy and tedious. Household industry,
including Bidi, Pottery, Mat, Candle, Kantha Stitch, Ganjee factory,
ShantipuriTant etc., has been benefitted since illegal migrants provide
cheapest labour. Two factors have worked against local workers: a) easy availability and readiness and
compromising attitude of the migrant worker to work at a very low wage rate,
and this is a challenge and threat to local worker, and b) general impression
that the migrant workers are more hardworking. Besides, continuous inflow of
migrants has aggravated the unemployment problem in the unorganized informal
sector.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">Deforestation,
land grab, trade grab, illegal occupancy of pavement and railway platform by
undocumented migrants are creating pressure on natural resources. Continuous
inflow of migrants enhanced the pre-existing slum, increased the density of
occupants in certain areas, which influenced the water supply, health facility,
and education with utter inefficiency. Often, slum owners accommodate 10 people
in place suitable for one person. In border areas, disturbances are created so
that security becomes at risk. Different political parties in different periods
gave those safeguards for which local administration could not impose strict
law and order. With the limited resources, fund and administrative officials
stated that this problem cannot be solved. Illegal migrants are illegally
enrolled in voter list and used as vote banks. Indian politicians have often
encouraged Bangladeshi migration to garner their votes. They are forced to
involve in various unconstitutional activities at the time of election. Due to
lack of good will of political leaders, it is not possible to separate them
from original citizens of India.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">The
study of migration from Bangladesh to India or more specifically to Wwest
Bengal is a very formidable task. The deficiency of data, shortage of reliable
and authentic information, and the diversity of the issue creates difficulty
towards computing the situation properly. Both centre and state governments of India
have expressed serious concern over this continuous infiltration from
Bangladesh to West Bengal. The government has come forward with various policy
prescriptions e.g., border fencing, issuance of identity cards, granting work
permits, etc. The West Bengal government has decided to issue identity cards to
all residents since immigrants were not restricting themselves to specific
districts, to stall illegal migration from neighbouring Bangladesh. The I cards
mooted by the state will bear the photographs, name, age, address, educational
qualification, and a caste of bonafide resident blood group and a national
number. Economic cooperation through bipartite agreement between India and
Bangladesh may be the best solution.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/null" name="_GoBack"><b><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">References<o:p></o:p></span></span></b></a></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">Chirantan
Kumar, Migration and Refugee Issue between India and Bangladesh, Biannual
Publication of Centre for Defence Studies Research & Development, Scholar’s
Voice: A New Way of Thinking for Vol. 1, No. 1, January 2009 . pp. 64 – 82<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">Joyeeta
Bhattacharya, the Diplomat, India: Resolving the Bangladesh Immigration Issue,
May 27, 2014<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">Mohit
Ray,Illegal Migration and Undeclared Refugees - Idea of West Bengal at stake, Dialogue, October-December, 2009 , Volume 11 No. 2<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
</div>
Refugee Watch Onlinehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03064436275994106376noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-20220463.post-36111738838337574242016-09-14T08:47:00.002+05:302016-09-15T17:23:58.458+05:30Introduction<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">A little more than a month ago,
India celebrated her 70<sup>th</sup> Independence Day. Whenever we talk of
independence of India from British domination, we are reminded of the
territorial division of British India into two independent nation states, India
and Pakistan. Consequences of partition have been fundamental to the society,
economy and polity of the subcontinent, so much so that Ranabir Samaddar has
suggested “Partition lives on in post-colonial times to such an extent that we
should truly prefer the phrase ‘partitioned times’ to the more common ‘post
colonial times.’”<a href="file:///C:/Users/Tora/Desktop/RWO/1.%20RWO%20intro.docx#_edn1" name="_ednref1" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
The riots that had happened in the subcontinent since 1947, the wars that India
and Pakistan had fought and most importantly Kashmir remind us that we all live
in the long shadows of partition.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> Nonetheless, in recent years we have
witnessed increasingly “apolitical” initiatives to memorialize partition as an
event of the past that primarily aim at recording as many eyewitness accounts
of 1947 as possible in regions that were directly affected by partition (like
West Bengal, Assam, Punjab of Pakistan and India). Such projects, important
though for various reasons, iron out the ‘longness’ of partition, as Ravinder
Kaur has mentioned in a recent article.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Tora/Desktop/RWO/1.%20RWO%20intro.docx#_edn2" name="_ednref2" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[2]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
Moreover, the tendency is to perceive the interviewees as victims, denying
their roles as agents who might have been the perpetrators of violence and most
certainly had to negotiate with the governments, family, and locals as refugees
or minorities. In the existing academic literature about ordinary peoples’
experiences of partition, the need to perceive the refugees as ‘agents’ was
acknowledged quite a few years back. In the recent works on partition, we see
more nuances being added as categories like class, region, gender, caste and
age are being used to understand the varied experiences of partition. Once we
bring in such categories to see how people were negotiating with the government
and vice versa, we begin to get glimpses of the complexities of postcolonial
governmentality. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> This issue brings together some of the
young scholars working on partition now. All of them have primarily focused on
the experiences of partition in West Bengal. One article complicates the idea
of partition as <i>longue</i> <i>durée</i>, connecting it with the
contemporary riots in various parts of India (a much needed addendum to the
memorialization initiatives that we have just mentioned). Instead of treating
refugees as a homogeneous mass of people, some of the articles in this issue
point towards the varied experiences of ‘colony refugees’ and ‘camp refugees’
and relevance of caste and gender in studying partition. Partition studies in West
Bengal have largely focused on the issues of rehabilitation, not giving enough
importance to the conditions of the Muslims, the violence they faced after
1947, communal riots and their exodus. By describing the riots of 1950 in
Howrah (West Bengal), one article reminds us of these little-discussed areas of
partition studies.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<br />
<div>
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<hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" />
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<br />
<div id="edn1">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/Tora/Desktop/RWO/1.%20RWO%20intro.docx#_ednref1" name="_edn1" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "garamond" , "serif";"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span style="font-family: "garamond" , "serif";"> Ranabir Samaddar, ‘The Last Hurrah that
Continues’ in Deschaumes and Ivekovic (Eds), <i>Divided Countries, Separated Cities: The Modern Legacy of Partition</i>,
New Delhi, 2003, 21-35, 21.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn2">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/Tora/Desktop/RWO/1.%20RWO%20intro.docx#_ednref2" name="_edn2" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "garamond" , "serif";"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[2]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span style="font-family: "garamond" , "serif";"> </span><a href="http://thewire.in/59146/how-not-to-remember-partition/"><span style="font-family: "garamond" , "serif";">http://thewire.in/59146/how-not-to-remember-partition/</span></a></span><span style="font-family: "garamond" , "serif";"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"> accessed on September 7, 2016.</span><span style="font-family: "garamond" , serif;"><o:p></o:p></span></span><br />
<span style="font-family: "garamond" , "serif";"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span>
<span style="font-family: "garamond" , "serif";"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><b><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-size: 13.2px; line-height: 18.48px;"><span lang="EN-IN" style="line-height: 15.18px;">The articles in this issue are as follow (click on the links below):</span></span></b></span></span><br />
<div style="font-family: garamond, serif; text-align: left;">
<span style="font-family: "garamond" , "serif";"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="http://refugeewatchonline.blogspot.in/2016/09/my-stray-thoughts-on-1947.html" target="_blank"><span style="color: #b45f06;"><b>My Stray Thoughts on 1947</b></span></a></span></span></div>
<div style="font-family: garamond, serif; text-align: left;">
<span style="font-family: "garamond" , "serif";"><span style="color: #b45f06; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div style="font-family: garamond, serif; text-align: left;">
<span style="font-family: "garamond" , "serif";"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><b><a href="http://refugeewatchonline.blogspot.in/2016/09/settling-bazaar-colony-market-and_11.html" target="_blank"><span style="color: #b45f06;">Settling the Bazaar : The Colony Market and the Refugees</span></a></b></span></span></div>
<div style="font-family: garamond, serif; text-align: left;">
<span style="font-family: "garamond" , "serif";"><span style="color: #b45f06; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><b><br /></b></span></span></div>
<div style="font-family: garamond, serif; text-align: left;">
<span style="font-family: "garamond" , "serif";"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><b><a href="http://refugeewatchonline.blogspot.in/2016/09/the-fort-of-freedom-study-on.html" target="_blank"><span style="color: #b45f06;">The Fort of Freedom : A Study of 'Refugeehood' through the formation of 'Azadgarh Colony'</span></a></b></span></span></div>
<div style="font-family: garamond, serif; text-align: left;">
<span style="font-family: "garamond" , "serif";"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><b><span style="color: #b45f06;"><br /></span></b></span></span></div>
<div style="font-family: garamond, serif; text-align: left;">
<span style="font-family: "garamond" , "serif";"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><b><span style="color: #b45f06;"><a href="http://refugeewatchonline.blogspot.in/2016/09/outside-pail-refugees-beyond-camp-or.html" target="_blank"><span style="color: #b45f06;">Outside the Pail : Refugees beyond Camp or Colony in Post-Partition Calcutta</span></a></span></b></span></span></div>
<div style="font-family: garamond, serif; text-align: left;">
<span style="font-family: "garamond" , "serif";"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><b><span style="color: #b45f06;"><br /></span></b></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: left;">
<span style="font-family: "garamond" , "serif";"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="color: #b45f06;"><b><a href="http://refugeewatchonline.blogspot.in/2016/09/a-critical-analysis-of-category-of.html" target="_blank"><span style="color: #b45f06;">A Critical Analysis of the Category of the 'Refugee - Woman' in post- Partition Studies</span> </a></b></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: left;">
<span style="font-family: "garamond" , "serif";"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="color: #b45f06;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: left;">
<span style="font-family: "garamond" , "serif";"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="color: #b45f06;"><a href="http://refugeewatchonline.blogspot.in/2016/09/the-other-side-of-partition-migration.html" target="_blank"><span style="color: #b45f06;"><b>The Other Side of Partition Migration and Rehabilitation : Minority Displacement and Dispossession in Bengal</b></span></a></span></span></span></div>
<div style="font-family: garamond, serif; text-align: left;">
<span style="font-family: "garamond" , "serif";"><span style="color: #b45f06; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div style="font-family: garamond, serif; text-align: left;">
<span style="font-family: "garamond" , "serif";"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="background-color: black; color: #b45f06;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="font-family: garamond, serif; text-align: left;">
<span style="font-family: "garamond" , "serif";"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="background-color: #b45f06; color: #b45f06;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="font-family: garamond, serif; text-align: left;">
<span style="font-family: "garamond" , "serif";"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="color: #b45f06;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="font-family: garamond, serif; text-align: left;">
<span style="font-family: "garamond" , "serif";"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div style="font-family: garamond, serif; text-align: left;">
<span style="font-family: "garamond" , "serif";"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div style="font-family: garamond, serif; text-align: left;">
<span style="font-family: "garamond" , "serif";"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><b><br /></b></span></span></div>
</div>
</div>
</div>
</div>
</div>
Refugee Watch Onlinehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03064436275994106376noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-20220463.post-50320640936620457762016-09-14T08:44:00.000+05:302016-09-15T12:34:50.321+05:30My stray thoughts on 1947<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif";">Debjani Sengupta</span><br />
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">(Debjani teaches English at Indraprastha
College, Delhi, and can be reached at </span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">debjani62@gmail.com</span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">)</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif";">The 1947
partition in Bengal is significantly different in its aftermath than the sudden
cataclysmic division in Punjab because of a number of historical, social and
political reasons. The Bengali literature that is based on the partition’s
experiences is therefore also varied and multifarious in its responses to 1947
not simply as an event, but as a metaphor, or a trauma or a site of enunciation
for thousands of people living through and resisting communal
polarization,migration, rehabilitation and resettlement.Taking a cue from the <i>Annales </i>historians, one can surmise that
the partition in the East is the <i>longue
durée</i> rather than the short time of political event/s, where the structures
and pluralities of social life under its shadow can be ascertained only through
a study of the particular and the local. Even after all these years after
Independence (1947), the partition in the eastern part of the subcontinent has
been a neglected area, although some recent historiography has drawn our
attention to the economic, political and historical issues of decolonization in
the region. Unlike the sudden and catastrophic violence that took place in
Punjab, enunciated through the metaphors of madness, rape and murder, the
Bengal region has seen a slower, although no less violent, effect of the
vivisection with the trauma taking a more metaphysical and psychological
turn.This is evident when we study the enormously rich and varied literature
that partition has produced amongst the Bangla speaking peoples of West Bengal,
the Northeast and Bangladesh that has not been studied together in an organic
manner; it deserves critical attention because it destabilizes certain assumptions
about 1947 just as it demarcates the way geographical areas, not always
contiguous, become the theatres of recuperation, mythmaking and sustainability
that in turn give rise to different kinds of literary representations. After
1947, the issues of gender, livelihood and labour have had different momentum
in the Bangla novels although the issues of status and independence amongst the
refugees may be common to narratives both in the East and in the Punjab.
Literary imagination plays a vital role in a process of recovery where authors,
Hindus and Muslims, undertake to map the contours of the mutilated land in a
bid to create a site of belonging, habitation and memory while changing the
dynamics of fiction, particularly the form and content of the novel in Bangla
that has responded to 1947 in heterogeneous ways. When colonialism and the
partition destroyed a sense of belonging to the land, these texts offer a
renewed sense of place that contribute to the processes of decolonization and
reinstate the ‘human subject’ at a time when it is most dehumanized. As Lacan
(and Freud before him) has reminded people, the event of trauma, by its very
ambiguous nature, recedes to the background while fantasies based on it
overpower individual and collective psyches.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/null" name="_GoBack"></a> The initial
trauma of the partition is now distant but its ‘fantasy aspect’ has taken over
the subcontinent through the legacy of violence and bigotry. The spectacular
dance of death that has begun in the post-partition years has given way to
those in recent times like the violence that erupted between the Bodos and
Muslims (2012) in Assam or the Muzaffarnagar riots (2014) in UP. There are
numerous studies that have looked at the history of conflicts in India so going
back to 1947 may seem pointless to some people but not enough has been written
about the ways whole communities of people felt, remembered and tried to resist
in nonviolent elliptical ways the cataclysmic divisions and growth of sectarian
hatred over a long period of time. Even a cursory glance at Bengal’s partition
literature lays bare how the vivisection has shaped and moulded the land and
people, spanning generations and several geographical sites, through the
processes of resettlement, migration, border-crossings and rehabilitation that
must be understood as sites of meaning making for the region and in the long
run, the postcolonial nation. Literature that deals with these wide ranging
issues, written over a long period of time, try to reconstruct the lives of
individuals and communities, marginal or elite, whose memories of trauma and
displacement had dissociated them from their own life stories. Bangla partition
fiction captures the diffusion, through a great degree of self-consciousness,
of the <i>longue durée</i> of continuous
migrations and counter-migrations that give refugee-hood a different complexity
in Bengal. Reading these imaginative renderings of the diverse facets of the
partition becomes therefore an act of creating a literary historiography that
are alert to the silences of history, and aware of the ways in which individual
and collective memories can be brought into play with each other by studying
the micro-history of localities and particular communities. This literary
history may not have all the facticity of history but the questions of voice,
temporality, lack of closure may say something about the ways in which the
partition is remembered by diverse kinds of people. Rather than making a point
about the un-representation of partition violence (and there was a great deal
of violence in Bengal) Bangla partition texts seem to look at the little
histories of people in the margins and use strategies of refraction rather than
a simple reflection of conventional realism. Many of them foreground minority
(in terms of class and religion) subjectivity, and use fragmentation to index
the fracturing of narrative representation that the partition brought in its
wake. The less visible and delayed effects of displacement and violence are
seen in the family and community spaces that these texts foreground. They give
an added dimension to an event, often unspeakable, within the partition and lay
bare the notion of how ‘literature’ transforms the actual into the apocryphal
and the mythical.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
</div>
Refugee Watch Onlinehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03064436275994106376noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-20220463.post-10579943083430592522016-09-14T08:34:00.002+05:302016-09-15T12:37:05.497+05:30Settling the Bazaar: The Colony Market and the Refugees<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpFirst" style="line-height: normal; margin-left: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Tista Das<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: normal; margin-left: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 12pt;">(Tista teaches history at Bankura
University, West Bengal, and can be reached at das.tista@gmail.com)</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">This
paper focuses attention on a colony in the northern part of Calcutta, the
Netaji colony, in the two decades since the Partition. As homes were created,
lost and re created on station platforms, camps or squatters’ colonies, the
thread of a <i>normal</i> everyday existence
was held on to at all costs. The governmental policies of economic
rehabilitation were hardly enough to keep this process going. The state
functioned on a notion of charity which was necessarily meagre. As the colonies
came up, so did the colony markets geared to the needs of the refugees and
built by the refugees themselves. There is a need to trace and grapple with the
stories of these markets. The narrative becomes layered and rather complex
since the markets were not just a source of earning for the refugees or a means
of shaping their path of rehabilitation but were also important in establishing
the much desired foothold on the right side of the border. The markets would
help the refugee shopkeepers belong to the nation. The markets would also
become a space for communication, social or political for the <i>community </i>of the refugees. The
intervention of the colony committees with all its political implications must
be noted. They created spaces in sync with the space of the colonies. Just as
the colonies, while creating a space of their own also tried to fit into the nation
space – with its history of the nationalist struggle for independence, with the
names of national leaders being used to name the colonies and their photographs
adorning the walls of the committee offices – so did the markets. The markets
became typical of the colonies as did the schools and local temples. As the government
tried to fit the refugees into neat pockets by classifying them and creating
different economic groups to funnel the programmes of relief in degrees, the
refugee leaders refused to be grouped and in their efforts at mobilisation, harped
on the umbrella identity of being a refugee, whether of the camps or the
colonies. The need, therefore, was to create a midway where the worlds of State
charity and of refugee enterprise could meet. <o:p></o:p></span><br />
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">One has
to tread this middle ground and trace the narrative of the agency of the
refugees in general and the establishment of the refugee markets in particular.
Of the many things that being a refugee implied, creating economic networks
which could sustain the refugee population in the long run was one. This was
especially true of the refugee in the colony because it was he/she who could
not depend on State aid and who depended heavily upon these informal networks
to earn his/her bread. The colony- refugee was conscious of the resources of
the neighbourhood in which he/she had settled down. In many cases, old kinship
ties had helped them gain a foothold on the right side of the border. He/she
had to be in constant touch with his/her neighbourhood. Unlike the camp-refugee
he/she had not lived in some sort of forced isolation. Therefore, his/her hope
for survival depended on his/her interactions with the people around. It hardly
needs to be mentioned that such interactions were not necessarily friendly
interactions. Almost every step outside the colony involved bargaining (on many
occasions unpleasant or even bitter) with the world outside. In most cases, the
refugee markets that grew up around the colonies did not develop haphazardly
with time. They were, rather, settled overnight. The pattern of settlement was
similar to that of the colonies themselves. Hurry underlined refugee lives in
colonies, unlike life in camps which remained seeped in forced idleness. <o:p></o:p></span><br />
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;"><br /></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">II<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;"><br /></span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> In
December, 1949, about 20 families were settled in a vacant plot off B.T. Road
under the leadership of the <i>Bangali
Bastutyagi Samiti.</i><a href="file:///C:/Users/Tora/Desktop/RWO/3.%20tista%20refugee%20watch-%20refugee%20markets%20(1).doc#_edn1" name="_ednref1" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>This
became the Netaji Colony. The colony soon took the shape of other refugee
colonies, with roads running around the community ponds, and thus sprang up a
school, a temple and the market. It must be noted that this pattern of
settlement which was followed in almost all the colonies was not accidental. It
was a set pattern tried and tested in most colonies which became the smaller
versions of the villages left behind. Before the establishment of the colony
market, the refugee settlers had to go to the Baranagar Bazar nearby to meet
their daily requirements. In December, 1950, exactly a year after the colony
was established, a colony market was established in one corner of a vacant plot
of land adjacent to the colony by the central committee of the colony. A
separate fish market was opened when Lakshman Das, Chandrashekhar Bhattacharya
and Satish Samaddar brought fish from the wholesale fish market at Patipukur
and opened stalls. It must be noted here that the meat business, traditionally
dominated by Muslim butchers, did not change its nature even in the colony
market. Along with Lakshman Singh was Hedayatullah who opened the meat shop.
The threads of continuity defined life in the colony as much as transformations
and change. The bazaar became a gated space meant to cater to the needs of the
colony on the one hand and to provide employment for the inhabitants of the
colony on the other. The colonies presented the picture of plans and organised
settlement patterns. If life had meant loss of life and home and an unending
journey across borders for a very long time, life in the colony became one of relocation
and re-creation of old patterns. Such relocation needed planning and
organisation. Life was guided by committees and associations. As the colony had
a central committee, so did the bazaar. With time shops changed hands, the<i> hogla</i> leaf ceilings were replaced by
tin shades. The market was also extended. In the decade of the 70’s, another market came
to settle itself on the main road outside this colony market. This had its
separate committee to look after its affairs. When the road was widened, this
market had to resettle itself inside the colony market. A pond was covered up to
create the extra space needed and the market became bigger. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;"><br /></span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> The
market became a means of interaction with the world outside the colony. As the
market space came to be legitimised and its conspicuous presence became a habit
for not only the colony settlers but other local inhabitants, it also came to
legitimise the colony settlement in the eyes of these local inhabitants. As the
threads were re woven to create an old world, albeit a truncated and incomplete
one, the noise of the bazaar had a very important role to play in creating
links with a world that was already abuzz and with a life that was already
being lived. The colony settlers became a part of the flow. As squatters’
colonies were later recognised by the government as legitimate living quarters
through charters usually called the <i>Arpan
Patra, </i>the market was also recognised by the municipal authorities. There
was a plan to transform this market into a super market but factional squabble
quashed the plan. Motish Roy, the local MLA, had been in charge of the
committee for long. Later, when Shivapada Bhattacharya became the MLA and the
plans to create a supermarket were afloat, there was word that the committee
under Motish Roy opposed the plan. The market committee was a politicised unit
that created local links. It was through these links that the refugees created
their space within the nation that they claimed as their own historically. Even
the fights and squabbles helped in making the refugees belong to the space that
they had occupied forcefully. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;"><br /></span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> Refugee
life in colonies was different from the ghettoised existence in camps, which
was defined by government surveillance. However, colony life was all about
living in a community. It was this that gave one the strength to squat on lands
belonging to the government or to private individuals. It was therefore
important to ritualise the process of foundation of the efforts. The foundation
day of the market was celebrated with programmes of songs and drama (<i>Kabigaan, Yatra, Baul</i>) for a long time.
As the establishment of the colony was a political process, the domestic space
itself was a political space. The settlement was a story of success in the face
of eviction operations by the government as also the landlords’ men. Every
story of success had to be celebrated and ritualised to make the colony a legitimate
space of living. To create a home, the colony market was needed as was needed
the colony school or the colony temple. The buzz of the bazaar provided the
sanction for the colony homes. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<br />
<div>
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<hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" />
<!--[endif]-->
<br />
<div id="edn1">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Tora/Desktop/RWO/3.%20tista%20refugee%20watch-%20refugee%20markets%20(1).doc#_ednref1" name="_edn1" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-IN"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "calibri" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%;">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-IN"> </span>Sajal Chowdhury, <i>“Netaji Colony Theke Bolchi”,</i> published
in 4 installments, in, <i>Dishari, </i>April-July,
2009. <o:p></o:p></div>
</div>
</div>
</div>
</div>
Refugee Watch Onlinehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03064436275994106376noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-20220463.post-50679842433894640572016-09-14T08:34:00.000+05:302016-10-03T17:14:30.129+05:30The Fort of Freedom: A study of ‘Refugeehood’ through the formation of ‘Azadgarh Colony’ <div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 12pt;">Sucharita Sengupta</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">(</span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Sucharita is a
researcher at Calcutta Research Group. She is working with Paula Banerjee on
refugee politics in West Bengal as a part of CRG-RLS project on Popular
Movements in West Bengal and Bihar. This article is a part of this research. Sucharita can be reached at sucharitaseng@gmail.com)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<br />
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> In this essay I reflect
upon the history charted by persons who were turned into ‘refugees’ or <i>Bastuhara </i>(the homeless) overnight after
the independence of India. These colonies were illegal in nature. By not
reducing the refugees from East Bengal into victims, this paper will examine
the role of refugees in settling themselves in a new society through forming
localities of their own by force (<i>Jabardakhal
Colony)</i>, emerging in the process as an economically productive subject. Azadgarh
Colony in this paper is studied closely. It provides a glimpse of the
individual negotiations that refugee leaders made in building colonies, their
politics in asserting their sphere of influence over a certain area and the
political tussle between the left and right wing political parties. We shall
rely mostly on the memoir of Indu Baran Ganguly, a firebrand refugee leader who
played a decisive role in establishing the Azadgarh Colony. Ganguly was an
active member of the undivided Communist Party of India (CPI). He left the
party in 1942. But he rejoined the party in 1948, the year when he came to
Calcutta with his family as a refugee<a href="file:///C:/Users/Tora/Desktop/RWO/4.%20sucharita.docx#_edn1" name="_ednref1" title=""><sup><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><sup><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[1]</span></sup><!--[endif]--></sup></a>. The
CPI then was trying to build up a strong opposition against the government and
the refugee issue provided them with much needed instrument to articulate and
mobilize their protests through forming groups and organizations, for instance,
the ‘United Central Refugee Council’ in 1950. Ganguly mentions in his memoir
that their rebellion against the Congress government in West Bengal embodied a
glory that was larger than the pain they bore for the partition. Expressing
apprehension on how historians will read partition history and interpret their
memories, Ganguly in his memoir states that for him the history of refugee
movement in the 50s was not solely of losses. It was instead a history of emancipation
and stupendous success of winning over all odds to emerge powerful citizens of
a new state. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> Ganguly’s memoir is
interesting because it brings out the nuances of clashes among refugees over
their political affiliations, the structure of power blocks they formed and
using emotions to legitimize forceful occupations of lands. On one hand it
reflects negotiations with the locals (in this case Muslims), on the other hand
it also tells us about the tensions between neighbouring colonies, different
political parties and ideologies. Each colony had an individual committee associated
with a political party. For instance, Ganguly mentions that after being part of
forming the second squatter colony in Calcutta, the Deshabandhu Nagar Colony in
1949, he was residing in the deserted house of the then prominent Muslim leader
and zamindar Ghulam Ali Minar near Tollygaunge in exchange of a rent of Rs.50.
The entire neighbourhood belonged to Ghulam Ali and poor Muslims, most of whom shared
cordial relations with Ganguly. By this time Ganguly had re joined the CPI and
he was being aided by the party to pay the rent. Incidentally CPI was declared
illegal in March 1948. The party could not continue to pay the rent for long
resulting into a scuffle between Ghulam Ali and Ganguly. Taking advantage of
this situation, one group approached him to make false papers to confiscate the
entire plot. They tried to evoke anger in him by saying refugees were forced to
leave their land in East Bengal for the Muslims and hence ‘snatching’ their
land was their right. Ganguly, in his own words, was a man of high morals and
could not accept this proposal. It is clear from this narrative that for
refugees like him, forming colonies through force in deserted lands was
certainly not illegal but making false papers to confiscate the same was. Here
Ganguly portrayed his conflict with Ali as an absolutely non-communal one,
related solely to the payment of rent. Another day, Santosh Dutta, a fervent
supporter of the refugee cause and main architect of the first squatter colony
in Calcutta – Bijaygarh- along with Dhirendranath Roy Chaudhury, famously known
as Kalabhai came to visit the area Ganguly was residing in. Both were famous
freedom fighters and were supporters of the Congress. Apparently, they told Ganguly
that they wanted to make the area an extension of the Bijaygarh Colony. On the
same evening, he was approached by a rival group of Santosh Dutta, belonging to
the Revolutionary Socialist Party (RSP), to build an independent colony there,
which will have a new committee with Ganguly as the new President. Ganguly apprehended
that giving the plot to Bijaygarh Colony would make Santosh Dutta more powerful
and resourceful. Hence Ganguly took up the proposal of forming an independent
colony and this is how the ‘Azadgarh Colony’ was formed<a href="file:///C:/Users/Tora/Desktop/RWO/4.%20sucharita.docx#_edn2" name="_ednref2" title=""><sup><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><sup><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[2]</span></sup><!--[endif]--></sup></a>. These
plots of lands were then divided among refugee families on a first come-first
served basis in exchange of a rent of Rs. 10. This is the history of the
formation of the ‘Azadgarh Colony’<a href="file:///C:/Users/Tora/Desktop/RWO/4.%20sucharita.docx#_edn3" name="_ednref3" title=""><sup><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><sup><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[3]</span></sup><!--[endif]--></sup></a>.
Members of the Azadgarh colony did not compel the Muslims living in the
neighbourhood to evacuate the land but members of Bijaygarh colony, as says
Ganguly, attacked them and they were forced to flee the entire area. Later, few
residents of the Bijaygarh Colony came and helped Ganguly in building the
colony and complained about concentration of power and corruption among few
leaders within the colony<a href="file:///C:/Users/Tora/Desktop/RWO/4.%20sucharita.docx#_edn4" name="_ednref4" title=""><sup><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><sup><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[4]</span></sup><!--[endif]--></sup></a>.
There were repeated clashes between the Azadgarh and Bijaygarh Colonies and
Ganguly himself was attacked by some residents of Bijaygarh mainly because he
was a communist and since he formed an independent colony there instead of
giving the plot to Bijaygarh<a href="file:///C:/Users/Tora/Desktop/RWO/4.%20sucharita.docx#_edn5" name="_ednref5" title=""><sup><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><sup><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[5]</span></sup><!--[endif]--></sup></a>.
</span><br />
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> Although Bijaygarh
Colony is in paper the first squatter colony established by refugees, Ganguly
rejects this claim owing to the nature of its establishment. He echoes what
Prafulla Chakraborty writes in <i>The
Marginal men, </i>about the formation of Bijaygarh Colony. Chakraborty says
that the Colony was made possible due to the help it received from the
government and that Santosh Dutta had taken verbal permission from both
Jawaharlal Nehru and Bidhan Chandra Roy before establishing it with the help of
Jadavpur Engineering students and Jadavpur Refugee Association. So it cannot be
called a ‘jabardakhal colony’ or illegal squatter of the refugees. It was
neither illegal nor legal as the tacit support of both Nehru and Roy cannot be
denied in establishing Bijaygarh, writes Chakraborty<a href="file:///C:/Users/Tora/Desktop/RWO/4.%20sucharita.docx#_edn6" name="_ednref6" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[6]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>.
Uditi Sen writes “the dispute over Bijaygarh’s status” provides insights on the
nature of refugee negotiations. It was the passive mode of protests that distinguished
the Bijaygarh Colony from the rest. Santosh Dutta was very close to the Bengal
Congress and also to a section of the elite Calcutta Society. The fact that
Ganguly talked of a ‘secret pact’ between Santosh Dutta and Bidhan Chandra Roy reflected
their differences in political outlooks and modes of protests. While colonies
like Azadgarh adopted radical modes of protest, Bijaygarh refrained from
violent opposition due to its allegiance to the congress and hence the clash
between Indu Baran Ganguly, as mentioned in his memoir with leaders of the Bijaygarh
Colony was only inevitable<a href="file:///C:/Users/Tora/Desktop/RWO/4.%20sucharita.docx#_edn7" name="_ednref7" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[7]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>.</span><br />
<hr size="1" style="text-align: left;" width="33%" />
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<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Tora/Desktop/RWO/4.%20sucharita.docx#_ednref1" name="_edn1" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "calibri" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%;">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
Indu Baran Ganguly, <i>Colonysmriti : Udbastu
Colony Pratisthar Gorar Kotha (1948-1954), Kolkata, 1997, </i>pp. 4, 42-43.</div>
</div>
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<a href="file:///C:/Users/Tora/Desktop/RWO/4.%20sucharita.docx#_ednref2" name="_edn2" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "calibri" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%;">[2]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
Ibid, pp 54-56<i>.<o:p></o:p></i></div>
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<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Tora/Desktop/RWO/4.%20sucharita.docx#_ednref3" name="_edn3" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "calibri" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%;">[3]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
Joya Chatterji, “ ‘Dispersal’ and the Failure of Rehabilitation: Refugee
Camp-Dwellers and Squatters in West Bengal”, <i>Modern Asian Studies, </i>Vol. 41, No.5, 2007, pp.995-1032, p.996.</div>
</div>
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<a href="file:///C:/Users/Tora/Desktop/RWO/4.%20sucharita.docx#_ednref4" name="_edn4" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "calibri" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%;">[4]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
Ganguly, <i>Colonismriti, </i>p.57.<i><o:p></o:p></i></div>
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<a href="file:///C:/Users/Tora/Desktop/RWO/4.%20sucharita.docx#_ednref5" name="_edn5" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "calibri" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%;">[5]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
Ibid, p.112.</div>
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<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Tora/Desktop/RWO/4.%20sucharita.docx#_ednref6" name="_edn6" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "calibri" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%;">[6]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
Prafulla Chakraborty, <i>Prantik Manab:
Pashimbange Udbastu Jiboner Kotha </i>(Bengali translation of his <i>Marginal Men)</i>, Kolkata, 2013, p.39.</div>
</div>
<div id="edn7">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Tora/Desktop/RWO/4.%20sucharita.docx#_ednref7" name="_edn7" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "calibri" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%;">[7]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>Uditi
Sen, ‘Building Bijaygarh: A Microhistory of Refugee Squatting in Calcutta’, in Tanika
Sarkar and Sekhar Bandyopadhyay (ed.) <i>Calcutta</i>
:<i>The Stormy Decades, </i>New Delhi, 2015,
416-418, pp.410, 411.</div>
</div>
</div>
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</div>
Refugee Watch Onlinehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03064436275994106376noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-20220463.post-47280511218190374332016-09-14T08:29:00.000+05:302016-09-15T12:29:59.200+05:30Outside the Pail: Refugees beyond Camp or Colony in Post-Partition Calcutta<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Kaustubh Mani
Sengupta<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">(Kaustubh
teaches history at Bankura University, West Bengal, and can be reached at kaustubh.sengupta@gmail.com)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;"><br /></span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> This
essay looks at the variety of ways the refugees became a part of the urban
work-force in post-partition West Bengal. Government schemes could not provide
for everyone. The desertion from the government camps is quite well-known. The
government was keen to disperse the refugees from the bulging population of
Calcutta to avoid a breakdown of the system. But the solution of dispersal
faced immense resistance from the refugees and the various refugee
organizations. Dispersal and consequent desertion from the camps left the
refugees on their own, without any aid from the government. They now had to fend
for themselves. What happened to the people who were thus out of the pail of
government rehabilitation scheme now? What is the story of those refugees who
never went to the camps or were part of the colonies? Through a close reading
of the autobiographies of Sadananda Pal and Manoranjan Byapari, I attempt to
answer these questions.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Tora/Desktop/RWO/5.%20kaustubh.doc#_edn1" name="_ednref1" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> <o:p></o:p></span><br />
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/Tora/Desktop/RWO/5.%20kaustubh.doc#_edn1" name="_ednref1" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></span></span></a></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Pal was born in a family of potters in East Bengal.
He came to West Bengal before his parents migrated. He was supposed to set up
the family on this side of the border, and then the entire family would
migrate. He, along with his brothers, tried their hand in various trades, but
could not establish their business. They were in a better condition than the
camp-dwelling refugees, and found a place to stay on the eastern fringes of
Calcutta. They had some capital to start a business, knew certain people who
could help them. But these were often not enough to sustain them in the new
land. Pal, among other things, worked as a tailor, learned to make sweets,
hawked betel leaf, set up a stationery shop. He ultimately moved back to his
ancestral profession, and started making pots on a small scale. He faltered on
these activities, could not learn the tricks of the trade enough to continue
with one business. But he kept on trying various ventures to make a living. The
urban informal economy gave him the opportunity to try his hands in different
jobs. This made him look for other avenues of income. His condition was not as
bad as those refugees who had to take shelter in government camps and rely on
the doles. On the other hand, he was not a part of the early, mostly
upper-caste migrants who could establish colonies in and around Calcutta. He
thus occupies an interesting place in the narratives of rehabilitation of
refugees in post-partition West Bengal. Government accounts or community-memories
do not have room for these individual voices. But they open up a new dimension
of the process of rehabilitation where individuals had to negotiate with a
range of actors, identities, and situations to make their space. </span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Byapari was born sometime in 1950-51
in Barishal. He came to West Bengal with his family within a couple of years.
From Sealdah station they were sent to Shiromonipur camp in Bankura. But soon
they left that camp and went to Ghola Doltala ex-camp site in 24-parganas.
Byapari spent a couple of years there. Then he left the camp in search of job.
Thus began his wandering life with a variety of vocation and experience of many
lifetimes. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Byapari gives detail description of
the camps he stayed in. The infrastructure was inadequate to say the least. In
Shiromonipur, for more than two thousand refugees there were only two
tube-wells to obtain water for drinking. There was a dispensary with one doctor
but with hardly any medicine. A primary school was opened but it did not run
for long. The residents had to live in tents, there were no huts. The notorious
heat of Bankura was life-threatening for them. Child mortality rate was very
high in the camp. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">After leaving the camp-life, Byapari
went on to a number of odd-jobs to survive. Looking for a job, he went to
Calcutta, Siliguri, Guwahati, Darjeeling, Lucknow, Kanpur and Dandakaranya. He
worked in domestic households and tea-stalls, became a coolie, pulled a
rickshaw, assisted a truck driver and a cook, swept floor in a city school.
Abject poverty, exploitation of the employer or sheer misfortune pushed him
from one place to another. He came back to West Bengal and got embroiled in the
extremist politics. He got arrested and was sent to prison. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">He learnt reading and writing from a
fellow prison-inmate. He was fortunate to have a helpful police officer who
encouraged in his endeavours. After his release from the prison, he started to
pull a rickshaw and a fortuitous encounter with Mahasweta Devi changed the
course of his life. She asked him to write in the journal <i>Bartika. </i>He wrote many books subsequently depicting the life and
experiences of the dalits.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Byapari is conscious of his identity
as a dalit refugee. He constantly reminds his readers the injustice and
violence he had to face from upper caste people. His depiction of refugee camps
shows the wretched condition in which the refugees had to stay. But he clearly
makes a distinction between the upper caste and lower caste Hindus who were displaced
from East Pakistan. He categorically states that the <i>bhadralok </i>refugees did not want the dalit refugees to stay in the
numerous colonies that sprang up in and around Calcutta. While the triumphant
narratives of the genesis and consolidation of these colonies are abound in
literature now, Byapri’s narrative shed light on the process from an opposite
end. He argues that the <i>bhadralok </i>refugees
had prior contacts with the government which facilitated their way into the
urban life while the lower caste refugees became the victims of the faulty
rehabilitation policies of the government and had to languish in the camps.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">The condition of the government camp
forced Byapari to desert it. He eked out his living from various corner of the
country. His wandering years were traumatic. But on the other hand his
peripatetic life opened up new avenues for him; he had the perseverance to
study in jail and then start writing. In a sense, he could overcome the initial
difficult years by moving out of the government schemes. While on one hand this
shows the failure of the government rehabilitation schemes, on the other it
also marks the reconfiguration of identity. While he was supposed to become an
agriculturalist according to government classification, his desertion from the
camp led him to become ultimately a part of the informal sector of urban labour
force. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">These narratives point to the
limitations of the policies of the government. Byapari and his family left the
Shiromonipur camp at Bankura although they had nothing to fall back upon once
they came to Calcutta. But they preferred to eke out a living in the city
rather than face the hardships in the camp. This desertion can make us think of
the countless people who were not accounted for in the government registers.
The government had a classificatory scheme, with men and registers at Sealdah
station, marking the migrants with their location, profession and caste. But
there were lots of people outside this pail of government database, who did not
have proper documents to travel. Thus they took other routes. They did not
belong to the paper regime of the government. Sadananda Pal travelled to India
without any paper. He was successful in going back also, before returning to
India with proper visa.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Secondly, if we look at the way
these people try to find a job, we realise that they were ready to move beyond
their family profession. Pal did not want to become a potter, and in West
Bengal he did a range of other things before settling down to make clay pots
again. This shows that profession could be changed, people were ready to take
up new avenues. Government rehabilitation schemes missed this attitude.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal;">
<br /></div>
<div>
<hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" />
<!--[endif]-->
<br />
<div id="edn1">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Tora/Desktop/RWO/5.%20kaustubh.doc#_ednref1" name="_edn1" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-IN"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "calibri" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%;">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-IN"> </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">Sadananda Pal, <i>Eka
Kumbha:Ek Udvastu Kumbhakarer Matimakha Atmakatha</i>, Kolkata, 2009; Manoranjan
Byapari, <i>Itibritte Chandal Jibon, </i>vol.
1, Kolkata, 2012.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<br /></div>
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Refugee Watch Onlinehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03064436275994106376noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-20220463.post-91766628154089582672016-09-14T08:25:00.000+05:302016-09-15T12:32:35.044+05:30A Critical Analysis of the Category of the ‘Refugee-Woman’ in post-Partition Studies<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: justify;">
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 12pt;">Pallavi Chakravarty Ghoshal</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 12pt;">(Pallavi teaches history at Ambedkar University, and can be reached at pal_phd@yahoo.co.uk)</span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Nearly a
decade ago Gargi Chakravartty coined a new term in the historiography of
partition studies in India—the ‘Refugee woman’. Before this intervention Urvashi
Butalia, made a pioneering breakthrough in bringing out the voices of the women
who had suffered the trauma of partition and who had for long been neglected in
the study of independence and partition of the subcontinent. Partition history
had till then been a study of ‘high-politics’ alone, neglecting what is now
seen as the ‘human dimension’ of this greatest human tragedy experienced in the
Indian subcontinent. Scholars like Urvashi Butalia, Ritu Menon, Kamla Bhasin,
Gargi Chakravartty and Veena Das altered the course of partition historiography
in India by introducing a gendered analysis of this traumatic episode in the
subcontinent’s history.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-indent: 0.5in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> This article discusses the two images perceived
of the post-partition refugee-woman in the Indian subcontinent: that of the
victim, and that of the one who survived it all. Finally, I critically assess such
perceptions regarding the refugee-woman, by raising the following questions: how
did she perceive these roles assigned to her by the exigencies of the
situation? Was she a willing participant to these roles or did she simply take
these roles upon herself based on the dictates of the family, society, and
nation? <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">The Refugee-woman
as the Victim:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Women
were abducted, forcibly converted to the other religion, raped, and killed by
the men of the ‘other’ community in the name of religion, as a message to the
rival community. As noted by Urvashi Butalia, such an assault upon the body of
the woman, was not an attack upon the woman alone, rather it was an attack upon
the family, community, and nation of the woman. Thus, the body of the woman did
not belong just to her, but it epitomised the trinity of family, community, and
nation. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> However, the violence did not just end there,
as the erstwhile protectors of the woman, now became her tormentors as well.
The notion of honour diluted all notions of love and belonging, as now fathers,
brothers, husbands, took upon themselves the responsibility of preventing the
defiling of family honour and killed their own daughters, sisters, and wives,
to save this ‘honour’ of the family, community, and nation. It is this very
skewed notion of honour, that brought feelings of sorrow or anger instead of
joy and relief upon a family when their daughter was returned to them by the
efforts of a government-sponsored recovery and restoration project undertaken
for abducted persons (children below the age of 14 and women of all ages). It
is this very notion of honour which makes the Punjabi Hindu refugee proudly
narrate stories of how the brave women of Punjab, of their families, ‘chose’
death over abduction/rape/forcible conversion to Islam, while, despite much
prodding, they remain silent or feign ignorance about the women who survived
this torment, deep within some also felt why did these ‘shameless’ women not
die? Rajinder Singh Bedi’s Lajwanti and Amrita Pritam’s Puro, in different
ways, epitomise these silent voices of the woman who were ‘restored’ and yet
not accepted within their own family and home. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">In
Bengal, women were victims of not only direct violence but also subtle and
discreet forms of violence. Any memoir of the Bengali <i>bhadramahila </i>during these troubled times would show how the routine
violence was even more difficult to bear than the experience of direct
violence. A first-hand account of this omnipresent fear in the minds of the
Hindu women can be observed in Nalini Mitra’s statements: ‘It became
increasingly difficult for me to pass through a locality infested (sic) by
Bihari Muslims on my way to college.’ But it was only when in the workplace
too, she heard obscene remarks being directed towards her, that she realised it
was time to leave—‘At that instant I realised that it would no longer be
possible to stay in my beloved motherland. How could one live in such a filthy
environment?’<a href="file:///C:/Users/Tora/Desktop/RWO/6.pallavi.doc#_edn1" name="_ednref1" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12pt;">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">The Refugee-woman
as a Survivor:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">This was
the new image of the refugee woman which recent scholarship has unearthed, and
this comes from a use of non-conventional sources and a re-reading of the
conventional archive. However, it was not an altogether unexplored area as
Bengali literary works and cinema had brought this aspect to light in the
1960’s itself. At a time, when narratives of gruesome and inconceivable
violence from the west was dominating all popular memory in the works of Sadat
Hasan Manto, <i>Meghe Dhaka Tara (The Cloud
Capped Star), </i>a novel by Shaktipada Rajguru, later brilliantly translated
into a cult partition movie by the same name by Ritwik Ghatak, started bringing
a change of perspective vis-a-vis partition and the refugee-women. It is this
film which set scholars to find the many lost Nita<i>s</i> (the protagonist in the film: a refugee-woman who becomes the
sole breadwinner of the family in post-partition Calcutta and in the process
gives up her own desires and ultimately dies in the end). Hereafter, many such
narratives of women giving up their own personal wishes, and becoming the sole
breadwinners of the family started pouring out. Manikuntala Sen, in her memoir,
notes that it was the women from East Bengal who taught the women of West
Bengal to get educated and employed.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Tora/Desktop/RWO/6.pallavi.doc#_edn2" name="_ednref2" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12pt;">[2]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> A survey
conducted by the Directorate of National Employment Service, West Bengal, shows
that in the post-partition period there was an increase in the demand for
employment among women.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Tora/Desktop/RWO/6.pallavi.doc#_edn3" name="_ednref3" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12pt;">[3]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>Similar
narratives of the refugee woman from West Pakistan also started coming up. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">The Problem:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">However,
was it always a happy story of women empowerment at the end of a traumatic
experience? Did these women ‘choose’ this life? Did it bring them the
empowerment which is often assumed in these narratives? Was partition truly
that violent break which set women upon a different path of their own? These
are some questions one wonders when talking of this refugee-woman who became
the sole earning member of the family. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> <i>Meghe
Dhaka Tara, </i>the novel as well as the film, do not conceal the fact that
Nita had a few desires of her own—be it higher education, marriage, motherhood,
and perhaps something as basic as slippers for her feet or to visit the
mountains, however with her father getting incapacitated, brothers not earning
enough, she took upon herself to sacrifice all her wants and keep the family
alive with her earnings. But the final scene in the movie, makes us ponder
whether at all she wanted to make all such sacrifices or not—‘<i>Dada, ami bachte chai!’ </i>[ Dada, I want
to live]<a href="file:///C:/Users/Tora/Desktop/RWO/6.pallavi.doc#_edn4" name="_ednref4" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12pt;">[4]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> Not all such narratives ended on a sad
note, Bithi Chakravarti, would be a case in point. Like Nita, she too, was the
sole breadwinner in the family and kept refusing marriage till her family had
become financially stable. Unlike Nita, her partner waited for her and
eventually they did marry.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Tora/Desktop/RWO/6.pallavi.doc#_edn5" name="_ednref5" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12pt;">[5]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> But did
she go back to work after marriage? This has not been explored. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Asok
Mitra problematises this idea of the woman’s ‘choice’ i.e. her willingness to
take up the entire burden of the family upon herself, most poignantly in the
following words—‘</span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">She has nothing to look forward to, she has nothing to
plan for, except the short term arithmetic of how much to try to borrow from
which neighbour or school colleague… [brothers would waste away the money
earned by her in expensive restaurants, but she could not] for she was the <i>leading earner </i>in the family, and the
entire salary she meticulously hands over to her mother. Nobody cares to ask
how many saris she has…There is no question of marriage… you need a minimal
glow of health even for <i>divertissements </i>like
that. This Bengali girl is nobody’s desire… she has nothing to look forward to,
spinsterdom, give or take a few years, is going to set in early…’<a href="file:///C:/Users/Tora/Desktop/RWO/6.pallavi.doc#_edn6" name="_ednref6" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt;">[6]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a></span><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">An
Annual Report of the Ministry of Rehabilitation mentions that marriage was the
ultimate means of rehabilitating the ‘unattached displaced women’. One may also
note that under the Government of India schemes, it was the family which was a
unit of rehabilitation, not the individual. And families were further divided
into those headed by the ‘able-bodied males’ those which were headed by ‘women’.
The latter came under various categories of permanent liability and were taken
care of in the permanent liability camps. If at all there was an individual
unit for rehabilitation it was that of the ‘unattached woman’. Such women were
sent to Women’s Homes, but hereto, the final solution to their rehabilitation
was considered to be marriage. Thus, the patriarchal notion of state as
protector was not betrayed even in the times of grave trauma and travail for
the refugees. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Apart
from the problem of choice and gendered notion in the scheme of rehabilitation,
let us look at the issue of victimhood. We may ask can the question of survival
be completely divorced from that of victimhood? This woman had been inflicted
by the scars of partition violence and the misery of displacement. But her
story of victimhood did not just end there as being a woman she became the most
vulnerable victim of sexual abuse even after crossing over to what was being
considered as safety in the new homeland. Beginning from the lack of private
space in the cramped tents in the refugee camps to entering the flesh trade
(willingly or being duped into it), the refugee woman became an easy prey even
in these times which should have reflected more sensitivity from the public and
the state. The workplace, too, was not free from harassment of various kinds:
going to work itself was often accompanied by derisive looks or comments from
men directed not just to these women, but also to the men of her family, who
had allowed such a role reversal to take place. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Of
course, there are narratives of those women as well who found freedom in this
whole traumatic experience of partition violence and displacement. For many, it
was the first time that they had stepped out of the home and that they were
earning for their families. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">On the
other hand, there is a class question involved as well in this glorification of
‘triumph’ after ‘trauma’. Women from the rural background and lower income
groups had always been working to supplement the meagre family income. For them
this toil was not a new found enterprise, rather, it was business as usual for
them. They had even previously toiled in the farms, or worked as domestic help
in pre-partition times. Their stories go unheard and unwritten. Even Rameshwari
Nehru, the head of the Women’s Section (a special Board set up by the
Government of India to look into the matters of the refugee-women) commented
that it was easier to resettle the women from rural backgrounds or those who
were not so educated as they were easily absorbed in the agrarian work or as
domestic helps in the urban areas, it was the educated middle class women which
were difficult to rehabilitate as it was difficult to find ‘suitable’ jobs for
them.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Tora/Desktop/RWO/6.pallavi.doc#_edn7" name="_ednref7" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12pt;">[7]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Further
marginal to this narrative of victimhood and survival are the women from the
lower castes. The story of rehabilitation of refugees is essentially that of
the middle-class and upper caste refugees. Very little research has been done
on the rehabilitation of the refugees belonging to the lower castes, and among
them much less is known about the refugee-women of this caste. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">To
conclude, this article has tried to present how the category of ‘refugee-woman’
has been perceived in recent scholarship. I have also pointed out to the
strengths and weaknesses of such an analysis and suggested further areas of
research on this theme. The idea is to suggest that while research on this new
category of the refugee-woman has certainly enriched our understanding of partition,
it has also made a very significant contribution to gender studies and further
opens up a greater avenue for studying the history of the oppressed in a new
light.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<br />
<div>
<!--[if !supportEndnotes]--><br clear="all" />
<hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" />
<!--[endif]-->
<br />
<div id="edn1">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Tora/Desktop/RWO/6.pallavi.doc#_ednref1" name="_edn1" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 9.5pt;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 9.5pt;">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 9.5pt;"> </span><span style="font-size: 9.5pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">Nalini Mitra (Director of the Refugee Rehabilitation
Department of the West Bengal Government) interviewed by the research team,
School of Women Studies, Jadavpur University, Kolkata, in Seminar, 510, <i>Interviews.</i><o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn2">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Tora/Desktop/RWO/6.pallavi.doc#_ednref2" name="_edn2" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-IN"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 10.0pt;">[2]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-IN"> Manikuntala Sen, <i>In Search of
Freedom: An Unfinished Journey, </i>Kolkata, 2001.</span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn3">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Tora/Desktop/RWO/6.pallavi.doc#_ednref3" name="_edn3" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-IN"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 10.0pt;">[3]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-IN"> </span><span style="font-size: 9.5pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">‘Employment
among Women in West Bengal’ Directorate of National Employment Service, West
Bengal, November 1958.</span><o:p></o:p></div>
</div>
<div id="edn4">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Tora/Desktop/RWO/6.pallavi.doc#_ednref4" name="_edn4" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-IN"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 10.0pt;">[4]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-IN"> Nita develops tuberculosis and is sent to the sanatorium, she is
aware that she cannot live long and it is a final outburst from her where she
expresses this desire to live.</span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn5">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Tora/Desktop/RWO/6.pallavi.doc#_ednref5" name="_edn5" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-IN"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 10.0pt;">[5]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-IN"> See Bithi Chakravarty interview in Jasodhara Bagchi and Subhoranjan
Dasgupta (Eds), Kolkata, 2003, pp.150-154.</span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn6">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Tora/Desktop/RWO/6.pallavi.doc#_ednref6" name="_edn6" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-IN"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 10.0pt;">[6]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-IN"> </span>Asok Mitra, ‘Take a
Girl Like Her’ in <i>Calcutta Diary, </i>London,
1977, pp.16-20.<o:p></o:p></div>
</div>
<div id="edn7">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Tora/Desktop/RWO/6.pallavi.doc#_ednref7" name="_edn7" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-IN"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 10.0pt;">[7]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-IN"> From Rameshwari Nehru Files, Nehru Memorial Museum and Library,
Delhi.</span></div>
</div>
</div>
</div>
</div>
Refugee Watch Onlinehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03064436275994106376noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-20220463.post-33555200299927122262016-09-14T08:20:00.000+05:302016-09-15T12:34:12.545+05:30The Other Side of Partition Migration and Rehabilitation: Minority Displacement and Dispossession in Bengal<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<div style="text-align: left;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; text-align: justify;">Subhasri
Ghosh</span></div>
<div style="text-align: left;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; text-align: justify;">(Subhasri
teaches history at Asutosh College, Kolkata, and can be reached at subhasrighosh@yahoo.co.in )</span></div>
</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 12pt;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif";"> In the annals of 1947 Partition historiography, communal
riots occupy a pivotal position. On the Bengal side, the corpus of works
essentially focuses on how the mayhem triggered by the 1946 Great Calcutta
Killing spurred a whole train of communal frenzy in eastern India, prior to
independence and the “riots, which preceded partition gradually petered out
after the Proclamation of Independence.”<a href="file:///C:/Users/Tora/Desktop/RWO/7.Refugee%20Watch.doc#_edn1" name="_ednref1" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12pt;">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
Post-independence, the Barisal riots of February 1950 occupy a pre-eminent
position in Partition literature, being the catalyst of the largest mass
migration in a single month in the eastern sector. Deviating from this high
politics of communal violence, but nonetheless pregnant with far-reaching
consequences, this paper attempts to explore a somewhat ‘sporadic localised’
riot in Howrah in March 1950. While the Barisal riots of those days grabbed the
headlines, the riot nearer home failed to garner much attention. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 12pt 0in; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif";">Trouble broke out in the third week
of March in 1950. The jute belt along the bank of the river Hooghly was the
worst affected. The then Additional District Magistrate of Howrah, Asok Mitra
recounts, that on 24 March a few Muslims were killed. Situation worsened to
reach its peak on 25-26 March when around 16 Muslims were killed, following
which military was summoned to control the situation on 28 March. Between the
evening of 27 March and the early mornings of 30 March, from the lanes and
by-lanes of Ghusuri locality of the town, the mutilated bodies of around 60
Muslims were recovered by the district administration. Situation calmed down
from 30 March with no further report of casualties.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Tora/Desktop/RWO/7.Refugee%20Watch.doc#_edn2" name="_ednref2" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12pt;">[2]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 12pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif";">This
‘localised’ riot was pregnant with consequences of great depth. The riot,
carried out with the covert support of the government was meant to act as a
pressure tactic to force the Prime Minister of Pakistan Liaquat Khan to come
down to Delhi for peace talks. Moved by the plight of the Muslims at Howrah,
Liaquat Khan declared on 29 March that he would reach Delhi on 2 April for peace
talks. The very day rioting stopped. Asok Mitra laments, “…it is a tragedy that
in order to bring Liaquat Khan to Delhi, it was necessary to instigate riot in
Howrah.”<a href="file:///C:/Users/Tora/Desktop/RWO/7.Refugee%20Watch.doc#_edn3" name="_ednref3" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12pt;">[3]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> The
Commission of Enquiry formed to enquire into the 1950 riots, headed by Ms
Mridula Sarabhai very eloquently, in the context of the Howrah riots, pointed
out, “Personal experience of the Howrah episode confirmed my doubt…the flaring
up in the industrial areas was a planned affair abetted by the local
authorities. Those who were behind it appeared to be confident of support from
the higher quarters. This was substantiated by the Government’s action in not
taking steps against those…the manner in which the officers behaved left no
doubt that they were involved in it.”<a href="file:///C:/Users/Tora/Desktop/RWO/7.Refugee%20Watch.doc#_edn4" name="_ednref4" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12pt;">[4]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 12pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif";">Also, the
larger issue at stake was the rehabilitation of the burgeoning stream of Hindu
migrants from across the border.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Tora/Desktop/RWO/7.Refugee%20Watch.doc#_edn5" name="_ednref5" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12pt;">[5]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> The
ulterior motive of the government was to rehabilitate the Hindu migrants, by
evicting the Muslims and instilling fear psychosis so as to prevent their
return for good. As Sarabhai notes, “On the eve of the Inter-Dominion talks…the
policy of the Government seemed to have changed overnight…everywhere the
District Officers were busy provoking the Muslims…to migrate to Pakistan.”<a href="file:///C:/Users/Tora/Desktop/RWO/7.Refugee%20Watch.doc#_edn6" name="_ednref6" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12pt;">[6]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>Ironically,
while the Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru was crying hoarse in the Parliament
on the persecution of the minorities in East Bengal, in West Bengal, too, the
minorities suffered from insecurity as is evident from these incidents. Not
only Howrah, but minorities in Hooghly, Nadia, too suffered the same fate in
active connivance of the administration. The then Relief and Rehabilitation
Commissioner, Government of West Bengal, Hiranmoy Bandyopadhyay opines in the
context of Nadia, “If the refugees had not occupied these abandoned plots and
houses, I shudder to think how the Government would have shouldered the burden
of accommodating thousands of refugees in the relief camps.”<a href="file:///C:/Users/Tora/Desktop/RWO/7.Refugee%20Watch.doc#_edn7" name="_ednref7" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-size: 12pt;">[7]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> Thus Hindu
rehabilitation at times became co-terminous with minority persecution, eviction
and displacement and the minorities became pawns in the political power play.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 12pt;">
<br /></div>
<div>
<hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" />
<!--[endif]-->
<br />
<div id="edn1">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Tora/Desktop/RWO/7.Refugee%20Watch.doc#_ednref1" name="_edn1" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "calibri" , "sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt;">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span style="font-family: "calibri" , "sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">
Prafulla K. Chakrabarti, <i>The Marginal
Men: The Refugees and the Left Political Syndrome in West Bengal,</i>” Kalyani , 1999, p. 6.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn2">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Tora/Desktop/RWO/7.Refugee%20Watch.doc#_ednref2" name="_edn2" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "calibri" , "sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt;">[2]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span style="font-family: "calibri" , "sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Asok
Mitra, <i>Tin Kuri Dash</i>, Vol. III,
Kolkata, 1997.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn3">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Tora/Desktop/RWO/7.Refugee%20Watch.doc#_ednref3" name="_edn3" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "calibri" , "sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt;">[3]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span style="font-family: "calibri" , "sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">
ibid, p. 122.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn4">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Tora/Desktop/RWO/7.Refugee%20Watch.doc#_ednref4" name="_edn4" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "calibri" , "sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt;">[4]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span style="font-family: "calibri" , "sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">
West Bengal State Archives (WBSA), “Statement of Smt Mridula Sarabhai”, No File
No., 1950.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn5">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Tora/Desktop/RWO/7.Refugee%20Watch.doc#_ednref5" name="_edn5" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "calibri" , "sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt;">[5]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span style="font-family: "calibri" , "sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">
Between 13 February 1950 and 23 July 1950, an estimated 15,51,820 Hindu migrants poured into West Bengal.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn6">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Tora/Desktop/RWO/7.Refugee%20Watch.doc#_ednref6" name="_edn6" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "calibri" , "sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt;">[6]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span style="font-family: "calibri" , "sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">
“Statement of Smt Mridula Sarabhai”<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn7">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Tora/Desktop/RWO/7.Refugee%20Watch.doc#_ednref7" name="_edn7" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "calibri" , "sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt;">[7]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span style="font-family: "calibri" , "sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">
Hiranmoy Bandyopadhyay,<i> Udbastu</i>,
Calcutta, 1970, p. 73<a href="https://www.blogger.com/null" name="_GoBack"></a>.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<br /></div>
</div>
</div>
</div>
</div>
Refugee Watch Onlinehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03064436275994106376noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-20220463.post-46315700990998600092016-07-22T15:55:00.001+05:302016-07-29T09:33:26.487+05:30Introduction<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; line-height: 115%;">Cartoons published in
the infamous French magazine, <i>Charlie
Hebdo</i>, brought the complexities of representation and politics to the fore,
in the recent past. In the cartoon depicting a drowned immigrant figure next to
a Jesus like figure walking on water, was also the legend, “Christians walk on
water, Muslim children sink”. Yet another featured dead Aylan Kurdi’s figure,
next to a McDonald type advertisement.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span lang="EN-IN" style="line-height: 115%;">The detractors were
quick to condemn Charlie Hebdo’s overtly racists and insensitive cartoons, while
the magazine’s editors and several others pointed out at the satire inherent in
their representational practices. They claim, the satire was not directed at
the migrants themselves, but Europe’s response, inadequate, to the migrant
crisis.</span><span style="line-height: 115%;">This debate points at
the complexities inherent in the ‘circuit of culture’, pointing at the tensions
between signifying practices, modes of production, consumption, identities and
regulations.</span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; line-height: 115%;">The current issue of <i>Refugee Watch Online</i> seeks to tease out
the politics inherent in cultural representations of migration and forced
migration, From the differential and evocative use of a term to the popular
imaginary of a space definitively forming an identity and a desire in the
universe of Malayalam cinema, to the imaginative use of borders and crossings
in search of a supportive and irreverent Europe— this issue brings together a
host of articles reflecting on the representations of migration across mediums,
spaces and modes. <o:p></o:p></span><br />
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span lang="EN-IN" style="line-height: 115%;"><br /></span>
<span lang="EN-IN" style="line-height: 115%;">The articles in this issue are as follow (click on the links below):</span></span><br />
<br />
<h3 style="background: white; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 9.0pt;">
<u><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: small;"><a href="http://refugeewatchonline.blogspot.in/2016/07/the-gulf-on-malayali-big-screen-outline.html"><span style="color: windowtext;">The Gulf on the Malayali Big Screen: An outline
history</span></a><o:p></o:p></span></u></h3>
<h3 style="background: white; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 9.0pt;">
<u><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: small;"><a href="http://refugeewatchonline.blogspot.in/2016/07/io-sto-con-la-sposa-video-graphic-review.html"><span style="color: windowtext;">IO STO CON LA SPOSA: A Video-Graphic Review</span></a>
<o:p></o:p></span></u></h3>
<h3 style="background: white; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 9.0pt;">
<u><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: small;"><a href="http://refugeewatchonline.blogspot.in/2016/07/migrations-and-identities-study-of-sea.html"><span style="color: windowtext;">Migrations and Identities: A Study of Sea of Poppies</span></a><o:p></o:p></span></u></h3>
<h3 style="background: white; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 9.0pt;">
<u><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: small;"><a href="http://refugeewatchonline.blogspot.in/2016/07/harraga-snapshot-on-migration-and-its.html"><span style="color: windowtext;">Harraga: Snapshot on A Migration and Its
Representation</span></a><o:p></o:p></span></u></h3>
<h3 style="background: white; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 9.0pt;">
<u><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: small;"><a href="http://refugeewatchonline.blogspot.in/2016/07/fratricide-review.html"><span style="color: windowtext;">Fratricide: A Review.</span></a><o:p></o:p></span></u></h3>
<h3 style="background: white; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 9.0pt;">
<u><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: small;"><a href="http://refugeewatchonline.blogspot.in/2016/07/mein-hoon-yusuf-aur-yeh-mera-bhai-story.html"><span style="color: windowtext;">Mein Hoon Yusuf Aur Yeh Mera Bhai: The Story of a Real
People</span></a><o:p></o:p></span></u></h3>
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<b><u><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="http://refugeewatchonline.blogspot.in/2016/07/book-review-agartala-doctrine-proactive.html"><span style="color: windowtext;">Book Review: The Agartala Doctrine : A Proactive
Northeast in Indian Foreign Policy, Subir Bhaumik</span></a><o:p></o:p></span></u></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-weight: normal; line-height: 115%;">Samata Biswas (bsamata@gmail.com)</span></h4>
<span style="color: #990000;"><span style="color: #990000;"><span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; line-height: 115%;"></span></span>
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Refugee Watch Onlinehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03064436275994106376noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-20220463.post-42741136908213954522016-07-22T15:53:00.000+05:302016-07-24T10:18:46.107+05:30The Gulf on the Malayali Big Screen: an outline history<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Mohamed Shafeeq K. </span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">(Shafeeq teaches Comparative Literature at University of Hyderabad and can be reached at
shafeeq.vly@gmail.com)<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The first Malayalam movie to refer to
what is called the Gulf came out in 1980, and was called <i>Vilkkanundu Swapnangal</i> – Dreams for Sale (dir. M. Azad). Who did
the selling was not clear, but there were clear buyers, the Malayalis being
foremost among them. Written by M.T. Vasudevan Nair, the movie begins with a
voice-over telling us <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: .5in; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">[how]
we [were] always attracted by the promise of a land where we can harvest
gold. Once upon a time it was Ceylon,
then it was Malaya. In the last one decade there have been stories doing the
rounds of a land where you end up being rich if you somehow, even selling off
the roof over your head, you can manage to reach there. Thousands of youth now
found a dream to cherish – Dubai.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The movie depicts the hardships and
perils of the journey of the days then where many did not even make it to the
other shore alive. It also offers other
conclusions: as the protagonist of the
movie, Rajagopala Menon, discovers, (i) Gulf can make you rich beyond your
dreams, (ii) but all the richness of it, the villa there, the house in Kerala –
none of it – can help you win your love, Sridevi, who would bang the door of
her crumbling Nair <i>tharavadu</i> (feudal
household) on your face, and (iii) there are more migrants on the way. The
movie offers glimpses of what Dubai used to be back then and is thus a rarity.</span></span></div>
<a name='more'></a><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><o:p></o:p></span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span style="line-height: 115%; text-indent: 0.5in;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="line-height: 115%; text-indent: 0.5in;">Mass migration
in Kerala started by the mid-1960s and peaked post the oil boom of 1973 such
that ever since almost 10% of Kerala’s total population has been employed in
the Gulf.</span><span style="line-height: 115%; text-indent: 0.5in;"> </span><span style="line-height: 115%; text-indent: 0.5in;">However, Gulf as a term took
its own time to establish itself, with Persia being the first cover word for
the Middle East, a reference to Iran which had been a mass employer in the days
of yore. Gulf also took its time to establish itself in the imagination of the Malayalam
film.</span><span style="line-height: 115%; text-indent: 0.5in;"> </span><span style="line-height: 115%; text-indent: 0.5in;">The migration had already made its
mark in the popular culture, an interesting marker of which is the popularity
of letter songs in the Mappila song culture.</span><span style="line-height: 115%; text-indent: 0.5in;">
</span><span style="line-height: 115%; text-indent: 0.5in;">The Mappila, a Muslim community in Kerala, provided the bulk of the
migrant labourers to Gulf from Kerala.</span><span style="line-height: 115%; text-indent: 0.5in;">
</span><span style="line-height: 115%; text-indent: 0.5in;">The letter songs was a genre with a longer history, but it underwent a
transformation in 1976 with S.A.Jameel’s </span><i style="line-height: 115%; text-indent: 0.5in;">Dubai
Kathu </i><span style="line-height: 115%; text-indent: 0.5in;">(Dubai letter) song, and with the cassette revolution of the 1980s,
it became a popular genre of Mappila songs.</span><span style="line-height: 115%; text-indent: 0.5in;">
</span><span style="line-height: 115%; text-indent: 0.5in;">Soon the letter songs also gave rise to “Phone songs” in which the
putative phone conversations between the migrant labourer and his loved ones
back home were put to tune. These songs
followed certain generic forms and were easily identifiable due to its form and
also because they were brought out as collections of letter songs or phone
songs.</span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span style="line-height: 115%; text-indent: 0.5in;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="line-height: 115%; text-indent: 0.5in;">Money from the Gulf
revolutionised social relations in Kerala, and compounded with the changes at
home, such as the effect of the Land Reforms Act in Kerala of 1970 brought in a
new age in Kerala’s social life, but oddly enough, the Malayalam film was slow
to make any direct reference to this new category of people on Kerala’s social
space – </span><i style="line-height: 115%; text-indent: 0.5in;">Gulf</i><span style="line-height: 115%; text-indent: 0.5in;">-</span><i style="line-height: 115%; text-indent: 0.5in;">karan</i><span style="line-height: 115%; text-indent: 0.5in;">, or the Gulf-man.</span><span style="line-height: 115%; text-indent: 0.5in;"> </span><span style="line-height: 115%; text-indent: 0.5in;">The
gender marker was justified to the heavily skewed sex ratio of the
migrants.</span><span style="line-height: 115%; text-indent: 0.5in;"> </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Gulf was a
phantasmic presence for almost the entire 20<sup>th</sup> century Malayalam
film. Gulf existed as a reference point
but strangely enough it wasn’t a real place.
Or, one could say that it existed as a fantastic void around which the
social relations of the social actors were governed. Thus, in <i>Akkare
Ninnoru Maran </i>(A Groom from Elsewhere; dir. Girish, 1985) the lover fakes a
job in the Gulf and even has a fake Arab (his friend in disguise) coming over
to Kerala and meeting his uncle just so that there is no room for doubt in his
rich and stingy uncle’s mind who has decided to marry his daughter off only to
a <i>Gulf-karan</i>. The Arabic of the fake Arab is still a staple
laughter clip for the late night comedy shows in Malayalam channels. Ironically,
the traditional Nair system of Murappennu (marrying one of the first cousins –
the practise is not exclusive to Nairs, though it wasn’t systemised in other
communities) in which the cousin is also one’s love from childhood thus wins
over the villainy of a potential groom from outside and his unmatchable
resources by faking a Gulf connection in one’s own life. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Gulf thus became
the symbol of not just instant success, often of the outsider and at times of
the undeserving, an American dream where one is surely and swiftly rewarded
brooking no challenge from social relations back home, and even threatening to
change the social equations at home, it also became the inaccessible lifeline for
the Malayali film protagonist, even as the social life of Kerala was undergoing
one of its most important and silent revolutions in the span of a decade
because of Gulf’s accessibility. This
unattainability took the form of tragedy as well as comedy representationally.
In <i>Visa</i> (dir. Balu Kiriyath, 1983) the
youth duped over promised visas by agents have to find their own way in Bombay
from where they were supposed to fly out but are now stranded, going back home
not being an option. In <i>Nadodikkattu</i> (dir. Sathyan Anthikkad, 1987),
Vijayan and Dasan set out on the seas awaiting the dawn in the Gulf, after
having paid all of what they could gather to an ‘agent’ (whose name was
Gafoor - “Gafoorka dost” is an instantly
recognisable Malayali phrase describing a con situation), only to swim across
to a land which seemed uncanny – MGR’s Madras. The movie, one of the most
successful comedies in Malayalam cinema, made Vijayan and Dasan the iconic
couple of Malayalam bachelor comedies, a genre particularly in vogue in the
late ‘80s and the early ‘90s. In <i>Devasuram</i> (dir. I.V.Sasi, 1993) the inheritor
of a vast feudal realm of a (realized later in the movie) mixed caste parentage
refuses to sell part of his property to a Muslim Malayali “who made a few bucks
in some other land” because the latter’s father would not even dare to enter
the premises of that household (due to its high [read upper caste] stature) and
so he obviously doesn’t deserve it, thus articulating newer definitions of the
inside and the outside in what would become an important turning point in
Mohanlal’s career as a Superstar. Later
however the protagonist is forced to sell the land to this outsider precisely
because no one else (read: other than Muslims) has money, a view on the
changing social structure put in place a few years back in <i>Thinkalazhcha Nalla Diavasam</i> (1985) by the renowned film maker
Padmarajan, and redeployed as a laughable stereotype in the recent <i>Pranchiyettan and the Saint</i> (dir.
Ranjith, 2010) – on this occasion it is “Christians and Muslims”.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The Gulf
returnee became a figure of absurd tragedy in <i>Varavelpu</i> (dir. SathyanAnthikkad, 1989) where the absurdity in the
plot was provided by the villainous trade unions and a helpless but well-meaning
bureaucracy; and a figure of despondency in <i>Garshom</i>
(dr. P.T. Kunju Muhammed, 1999), an attempt to showcase the out-of-placeness
that the Gulf returnee faces in his social and personal relationships back
home. With its biblical reference on the
one hand and the diegetic reference to a Palestinian on the other, the movie
drew analogies and deliberated on issues of homelessness and exile. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The late ‘90s
already set in motion the discourse of the impending doom of the Gulf dream and
this was complemented by the discourse on the changing preferences of the employers
there along with the figure of the cheaper migrant from other countries
(Bangladeshi, mostly) in gulf who would do any job for a cheaper wage. <i>Sharja
to Sharja</i> (Venugopan, 2001) and <i>Perumazhakkalam</i> (Kamal, 2004) have
deaths in the Gulf at the centre of the plot, and <i>Dubai</i> (dir. Joshiy, 2001), the first touch of extravagance with
extensive screen time for locations in the UAE seemed oddly in sync with its
touch of the exotic, for the Gulf as a real location was rare in the movies so
far, and rarer still was Gulf outside the genre of social realism. <i>Diamond
Necklace</i> (2012) offered further glimpses of exuberance of life in Dubai,
but was more than matched by the working class environs and sympathies of <i>Arabikatha</i> (dir. Lal Jose, 2007) and <i>Khaddama</i> (Kamal, 2011), of which the
latter stood out for what should be the first ever depiction of female
household migrant labours in the Gulf. In <i>Oridam</i>
(dir. Pradeep Nair, 2005), the sex worker finds Gulf the only way out of her
demeaning profession but fails to save enough to pay the agent who would
arrange for a visa. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Gulf has been
part of Malayali’s life for at least three decades now. The earlier generation of low or no-skilled
workers amongst who even the more fortunate could meet their family back home only
once in a year (it is not rare to find those who had to wait for some five
years, at least in their first trip) have now given way to a newer generation
who, though fewer in number, has with their higher salaries and changing market
culture made Gulf not just a place of strife and hope but also a zone of the
present, of vacationing, and shopping with family. Priyadarshan’s <i>OruMarubhoomikatha</i> (2011), also filmed in the Gulf, announced the
arrival of Gulf as a normal “foreign” film location, a purpose which Mumbai had
served for him and for the Malayalam film industry earlier. <i>Dubai</i>
(2001) could be called a predecessor in this regard.<i>Diamond Necklace</i> is till date the best representative of this Gulf
and its new relationship with the Malayali.</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></span><br />
<span lang="EN-GB" style="line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span>
<span lang="EN-GB" style="line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><i style="background-color: white; color: #222222; line-height: normal; text-align: start; text-indent: 0px;">Pathemari</i><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; line-height: normal; text-align: start; text-indent: 0px;"> (meaning dhow, an early mode of smuggling oneself to the Gulf; dir. Salim Ahmed) which came out in 2015 signals the coming of a retrospection on the Gulf era, a gesture towards the impending end of a way of life so common to this south Indian state.</span></span></span></div>
</div>
Refugee Watch Onlinehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03064436275994106376noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-20220463.post-40044736616380493902016-07-22T15:49:00.001+05:302016-07-22T15:49:17.676+05:30IO STO CON LA SPOSA: A Video-Graphic Review<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<div class="Body" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="IT"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">Tommaso Manfredini</span></span></div>
<div class="Body" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="IT"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="Body" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><span lang="IT">(Tommaso
is a </span>Doctoral Student in the Department of
French and the Institute for Comparative Literature and Society, Columbia
University and can be reached at tm2538@columbia.edu)</span></div>
<div class="Body" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="Body" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="Body" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">EU
Regulation 604/2013 remains the latest attempt at legally harmonizing the
processing of asylum-seeking and protection claims across all EU Member States.
Its origin can be traced back to the 1990 Dublin Convention (ratified in 1997),
followed by the Regulation’s original 2003 draft which, through several
amendments, led to the adopted text of 2013. Commonly known as <span lang="DE">“Dublin Regulation</span>” or <span lang="DE">“</span>Dublin III”, the regulation
establishes that the Member State where applicants first lodge a status
application is responsible for reviewing that claim. This means that an
asylum-seeker has only one chance and, formally, one choice: he or she must
lodge their application in the country where they would like to be admitted and
eventually reside. <span lang="DE">“</span>Lodging
an application”, however, is not exactly an act of free will. In theory, an
application for asylum will be filed on behalf of an undocumented migrant
whenever and wherever this person comes into contact with a European state
representative. If a person enters the EU through Italy but wants to live
elsewhere, as is the case of the characters in <i><span lang="IT">Io sto con la sposa</span></i>, he or she
must make their way to the country of their choosing without being intercepted
by <span lang="DE">“</span>state
representatives”—police, train controllers, highway patrols, etc.<i><span lang="IT" style="background: white;">Io Sto con la Sposa </span></i><span style="background: white;">is thus a statement about and against the growing inadequacy
of the Dublin Regulation and its power of fragmenting the purportedly
borderless space of the European Union.</span></span></div>
<a name='more'></a><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><span style="background: white;"><o:p></o:p></span></span><br />
<div class="Body" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="text-indent: 0.5in;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="Body" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="text-indent: 0.5in;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">The story behind the movie starts when
Gabriele del Grande and Khaled Al Nassiry, two of the film directors, meet five
people in Milan: Abdallah, a Palestinian university student; Abu-Manar and
Manar, dad and son from Syria, and Mona and Ahmed, an elderly couple also from
Syria. They are all asylum seekers, and share the desire to leave Italy and reach
Sweden. To do so, they stage a wedding motorcade. Three vehicles, decorated
with bows and bells, will accompany the five asylum seekers to Sweden. Abdallah
the university student, and Tasneem, a Palestinian woman living legally in
Milan, play the newlywed couple. The other 4 asylum seekers, the Italian
directors and a small crew are disguised as wedding guests.</span></span></div>
<div class="Body" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">In a time of repeated isolationist fire on the Schengen
agreement and tightened borders within and around the EU, different members of
the wedding motorcade submit to different legal regimes. If apprehended,
undocumented passengers will be taken into custody and those who sought asylum
in Italy will be sent back. <span style="background: white;">On the other hand,</span>
EU citizens driving the motorcade could be charged with <span lang="DE">“</span>facilitating the illegal crossing of a
border” and be sentenced to up to 15 years in jail. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="Body" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="Body" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">Under
these auspices, in November 2013, the wedding party sets out to Sweden, hoping
to <span lang="DE">“</span>show
an unknown side of Europe – a transnational, supportive and irreverent Europe
that ridicules [its own] laws in a masquerade directly filmed on the road from
Milan to Stockholm”<a href="file:///C:/Documents%20and%20Settings/User/My%20Documents/RWo%20July/3.%20Tomasso%20Final.docx#_edn1" name="_ednref1" title=""><sup><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><sup><span style="border: none; color: black; font-size: 12pt;">[i]</span></sup><!--[endif]--></sup></a>.
The film, although proclaiming itself a documentary, blurs the classical
boundaries of the genre in order to develop a poetics of incommensurable
solitude and deep commonality, both rooted in the condition of undocumented
migration.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="Body" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><iframe allowfullscreen='allowfullscreen' webkitallowfullscreen='webkitallowfullscreen' mozallowfullscreen='mozallowfullscreen' width='320' height='266' src='https://www.blogger.com/video.g?token=AD6v5dxcHNNdfLZGxpIbZVcBytAzkfvs6jWRFDQRFCkz3mOIferC7m9soXZWAa7iYLEPRBI8oeXCDcUIGv0' class='b-hbp-video b-uploaded' frameborder='0'></iframe></span></div>
<div class="Body" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="Body" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"> The
film is about ‘real people’ and addresses the viewer as citizen. Formally, too,
the film conforms to the rules of the documentary: it relies for the most part
on natural light and ambient sound, and favors almost entirely actual location.
The film is engaged in showing <span lang="DE">“</span>reality”
in the making, as it unfolds, without certainty of the outcome. But <span lang="DE">“</span>reality”, as well as the
characters/wedding guests/migrants, are all dressed up, disguised and driven.
Fictional and farcical elements are embedded in the very idea of the project—love
conquers all (or will convince all state agents)—and resurface periodically in
the movie. The film also goes further, aestheticizing an act of civil
disobedience against the Dublin Regulation and, at the same time, the political
choice of supporting mobility.</span></div>
<div class="Body" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="Body" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"> The
first leg of the journey is from Milan to Marseille. The wedding party decides
to cross the French border by foot, in what is portrayed as a merely strategic
choice in order to avoid possible passport controls but has, in fact, deep
historical echoes and poetic force. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"> <img border="0" height="213" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjv0-nAPPhuz7sI4-IVxSZy2eBPjMd9ePuA9NybwIs1uTrdxjMs3zjPV1YTgeJ1VApWU4AvN9ES1eyZ7HbTkuRrdnO05mtpw9EBtNQ_5OFOZ8q1F200QdZCiYoGJlBArMSlfC3Bbg/s320/image1.jpeg" width="320" /></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"> During
this sequence, captured in the still above, the spectator is confronted with an
unexpected relic from the past: the tangible border, a rusty barbed wire fence
riddled with human-sized holes. As Mezzadra and Neilson have pointed out, the
border has ceased to be the cartographic line, <span lang="DE">“</span>literally marginal” to political and
artistic thought, that divided up the modern world. As a result of the
re-organization of the nation-state, they argue, the modern-world border, the
line on the map, has stretched to encompass vast geographical areas, such as
the deserts between Mexico and the US or <span lang="DE">“</span>the choppy waters of the Mediterranean Sea”<a href="file:///C:/Documents%20and%20Settings/User/My%20Documents/RWo%20July/3.%20Tomasso%20Final.docx#_edn2" name="_ednref2" title=""><sup><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><sup><span style="border: none; color: black; font-size: 12pt;">[ii]</span></sup><!--[endif]--></sup></a>.
Alongside its geographically extended reach, the border has attached itself to
the individual, to her body and to her administrative status. Depending on the
individual’s status and trajectory, then, the border could or could not be
enforced. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">Indeed,
the still shown above perfectly encapsulates these two regimes - or scales - of
the border. Whether in Milan, in the
middle of Germany, or in a Swedish custom office, Tasneem and Abdallah (the
newlyweds) carry with them not only national but also European borders,
highlighting the functioning of the contemporary border as a pervasively mobile
control apparatus. At the same time, they are about to cross the contemporary
border’s exact opposite, the unmovable, immobile fence, one that armies of
thousands, throughout the 20th century and beyond it (see, for instance, the
2015 Ventimiglia border riots), have fought to displace a meter forth or a
meter back, a kilometer ahead or a kilometer behind. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><iframe allowfullscreen='allowfullscreen' webkitallowfullscreen='webkitallowfullscreen' mozallowfullscreen='mozallowfullscreen' width='320' height='266' src='https://www.blogger.com/video.g?token=AD6v5dz4z226RiE5R8gsJo6tTjrL_lUz6nR0m3Ry84FhvvZcoVM22G3-aG_v0mAvEvFtAovF_YWj05cQW80' class='b-hbp-video b-uploaded' frameborder='0'></iframe></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">An
abandoned building, some signs of human presence on the ground, and a wall on
which migrants, refugees, and undocumented crossers leave traces of their
passage. Simultaneously showing and concealing multiple layers of names,
verses, dates, insults, and dedications, the wall on which Abdallah writes is a
palimpsest of past personal and collective tragedies. The inscriptions are intended
to survive an absence of subject and audience; they will remain after Abdallah
leaves, while the writing hand has survived the physical and psychological
horror it now bears witness to. Thus, Abdallah’s gesture is not solely
backward-looking. It also ensures a present – no longer in motion and life but
at least in writing – to the names of his people who died at sea. In creating
this makeshift graphic memorial, he is animated by the strength required to
turn personal memories of tragedy into a shared past, and a shared present.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">However, the faith one could see in Abdallah’s necessity to
write, to inscribe and to remember is tainted by the realization that this
dilapidated wall in the middle of a deserted border zone is reminiscent of
these stories’ marginality in Europe’s collective memory, and indeed, in Europe’s
present. The walls on which similar writings can be found – such as those of
identification and detention centers, or of temporary shacks in makeshift
refugee camps – all bear a similar characteristic: they remain in the periphery
of the public eye. On these walls a yet-unresolved tension is played: the
migrant’s necessity to leave the trace of a trajectory that, in order to be
successful, requires tracelessness and near-invisibility.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">I
want to conclude this review with one last clip. It is a sequence filmed on the
train taking the protagonists from Copenhagen (Denmark) to Malmo<span lang="NL">ë </span>(Sweden). It is the last border that
they have to cross before reaching their intended destination. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><iframe allowfullscreen='allowfullscreen' webkitallowfullscreen='webkitallowfullscreen' mozallowfullscreen='mozallowfullscreen' width='320' height='266' src='https://www.blogger.com/video.g?token=AD6v5dzc3c4b5DeVrV6XQVQp8d4C6-0CBbq9hSWEvlyfk3VwWETMEWF_zQX7gnXt9ONZgfaOL3lfivZUyjw' class='b-hbp-video b-uploaded' frameborder='0'></iframe></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">The
visual portrait of this last border is strikingly different from the depiction
of the one separating France and Italy. We do not notice the oppressing
realism, the shrieking chalk on the wall and the insisted close-ups of
disturbed faces of the previous clip. Here, close-ups are shorter, less
intruding, and they are separated by ethereal, almost nostalgic shots of livid
Northern clouds. In addition to this, ambient sound is no longer dominant:
although still present, it becomes almost inaudible behind a studio-recorded
instrumental suite. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"> In
between the formal differences of these two scenes we find the aesthetic and
political peculiarities of this film. By progressively adding visual and aural
poetry to the uncompromising documentation of crude reality, I<i><span lang="IT">o sto con la sposa</span></i> blurs the
classical boundaries of the genre in order to develop a poetics stretched
between solitude and solidarity, between personal suffering and political
(temporary) victory. As such, the film raises important challenges for our
political practices. It embodies a strand of social protest that eschews
traditional avenues of documenting and practicing dissent in favor of creative,
cunning and audacious political practices. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><b><span lang="IT">Io sto con la
sposa (On the Bride</span></b><b>’</b><b><span lang="DA">s Side)</span></b>. Directed by Antonio Augugliaro,
Gabriele Del Grande, and Khaled Soliman Al Nassiry. Gina Films / Doc Labs and
2.617 crowdfunders. 2014<br clear="all" style="mso-special-character: line-break; page-break-before: always;" />
</span></div>
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<!--[if !supportEndnotes]--><hr size="1" style="text-align: left;" width="33%" />
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><a href="file:///C:/Documents%20and%20Settings/User/My%20Documents/RWo%20July/3.%20Tomasso%20Final.docx#_ednref1" name="_edn1" title=""><sup><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><sup><span style="border: none; color: black; font-size: 12pt;">[i]</span></sup><!--[endif]--></sup></a><sup><span style="font-size: 11pt;"> </span></sup><span lang="IT" style="font-size: 11pt;"> Augugliaro, Del
Grande and</span><span style="font-size: 11pt;"> Al Nassiry in <i>On the Bride’s Side
Pressbook</i>, 9</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><a href="file:///C:/Documents%20and%20Settings/User/My%20Documents/RWo%20July/3.%20Tomasso%20Final.docx#_ednref2" name="_edn2" title=""><sup><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><sup><span style="border: none; color: black; font-size: 12pt;">[ii]</span></sup><!--[endif]--></sup></a><sup><span style="font-size: 11pt;"> </span></sup><span lang="IT" style="font-size: 11pt;"> Sandro Mezzadra
and Brett Neilson, </span><i><span style="font-size: 11pt;">Border as Method</span></i><span style="font-size: 11pt;">, Durham: Duke UP, 2013, viii.</span></span></div>
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