Friday, March 05, 2010

Urban Areas and Displacement

The United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) published its Urban Refugee policy, titled 'UNHCR Policy on refugee protection and solutions in urban areas' in September 2009. The policy, from the time it was first introduced in 1997, has undergone numerous changes. The policy needs to be understood in the ever changing context of globalization where we witness rapid urbanization but also the fact that a large number of refugees live in urban areas as against the camps.

The objective of the policy is two fold, to 'ensure that refugees in the urban areas are protected and have access to basic necessities such as health care, shelter, protection from detention, arbitrary arrests, harassment and discrimination, legal protection, opportunities to work, have a good relationship with the local population and can benefit from voluntary repatriation, local integration and resettlement' and to 'ensure that the opportunities for the above rights to be fulfilled is made available to refugees by UNHCR and its Implementing partners' (from the Policy Document). It focuses on refugees in the urban areas in developing and middle-income countries and is covers both refugees who have been recognized by UNHCR and those that are not.

The latest Issue of the Forced Migration Review published in February 2010 focuses on displacement in urban areas, is titled 'Adapting to Urban Displacement'. As the title suggests, this is broader than relatively narrower issue of refugees and their protection in urban settings.The articles address some of the practical and policy issues that urban displaced people face and that affect providers of the support. They also reflect the diversity of analysis and geography, covering East Asia, Latin America, Europe and the Middle East.

Mumbai Human Development Report 2009

Migrants are a sensitive political issue in Mumbai, with regional political parties, the Shiv Sena and the newly formed, the Maharashtra Navnirman Sena holding that Mumbai is for Maharashtrians. The debate is an old one, with several of the migrant population from Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, Karnataka and others being targeted for flooding the City at different points in time. Migrants have been held responsible, among others, for the local Maharashtrians losing out on jobs, in leading to burden on the civic infrastructure. These debates about Mumbaikaras and non-mumbaikars have often led to the question of who's city is Mumbai? It is exactly this question that has also been asked in the Mumbai Human Development Report 2009 (MHDR), released in October 2009 the Ministry of Tourism and the Ministry of Housing and Urban Poverty Alleviation, Government of India. Done in collaboration with academicians, government officials, researchers and practicioners, the Mumbai Human Development Report also holds the distinction of the first ever report published by the Urban Local Body, the Municipal Corporation of Greater Mumbai.

In a context where urbanization is gaining ground as an important area of study and practice owing to the fast pace in which urban centres are evolving, the MHDR focuses on urbanization, the growth of Mumbai over the last few decades and in this context, accounts for the population trends, education, livelihood, health, the quality of life and slums in Mumbai.

It notes, that according to the 2001 Census, the percentage of the migrant population has decreased from 64 per cent about 40 years to 43%. The increase in population has been attributed to not only migration from within and without Mumbai but also to 'natural increase' – that is, 'a combination of fertility rates and the balance of births over deaths'. It further notes that a third of the migrant population is from within Maharashtra. Secondly, that the migrants in most cases live in the slums, the influx guided by two facts: the push factor which operates in the rural areas of other parts of the country sends them to Mumbai. The pull factor is the livelihoods possible in Mumbai. It makes a clear point that Mumbai is not a preferred destination for residence but only for livelihood opportunities. That is because most migrants at the lower end of the economic strata head for the slums. The slums, according to the 2001 Census, houses, on about 7-8 per cent of Mumbai's land, 54.1 per cent of the city's population in conditions that are hellish, worse than what they tried to escape from their villages. That accounts for close to 60 lakh people in slums, of at least one of two Mumbai residents striving to sustain themselves there. There is no other city with such comparable proportion of people in hovels. The Report goes on to describe Mumbai as 'migrant-friendly' for the opportunities of employment it provides and acknowledges that 'migrants have a share in its economic growth'.

The Mumbai Human Development Report 2009 is a mine of information on not only the recent trends in urbanization in India but also helps reflect on the the question of identity and citizenship in the context of Mumbai.

For the Report, refer

Tales of Agony from Relief Camps of Western Assam

Urmimala Sengupta
[This write up is a part of a study on a project titled” An initiative for peaceful co-existence: a look into the conflict profile in the bodo heartland and capacity building needs among the displaced populace in bodoland territorial autonomous district council” sponsored by National Foundation for India. ]

The conflict in BTAD area threw open, the flood gates of challenges to the affected lot in general and more particularly to the most vulnerable section of the society i.e. women and children. More than a decade has passed since the conflict took place in May 1996 and May 1998 but a large number of the victims belonging to both Bodo as well as Adivasi community continue to live a life devoid of any access to basic services such as health and education, coupled with continuous state of acute fear and uncertainty about future.

According to, “Action Plan for Rehabilitation of the Refugees, 1993, 1996 and 1998 Ethnic Violence”. Kokrajhar (1998) in May 1996 a total of 42,214 families consisting of 202684 persons were rendered homeless. And these displacees were sheltered in 61 relief camps. The report further states that the resumption of the conflict in May 1998 added to the number of displacees. Out of 48,556 families consisting of 3, 14,342 persons who were displaced from their native places, a total of 34,3,48 families consisting of 2, 19,108 inmates were sheltered in 63 relief camps in Kokrajhar and Gosssaigaon area.

Presently the number of relief camps in the BTAD area stands at thirty three (33). The total population of the relief camps as per government records is seventy one thousand six hundred and thirty (71,630). Out of the existing thirty three (33) relief camps the team research tried to visit as many camps as was possible. A total of twenty three (23) relief camps were visited during the course of the study.

The camp listed in table 5 and 6 were visited since August 2007.▄
Table: 5

Sl. No. Names of the Relief Camps District/ Circle
1 Joypur Kokrajhar revenue circle
2 Bishmuri Kokrajhar revenue circle
3 Vety.Complex,Bengtol Sidli – Chirang revenue circle
4 Joypur (A) Kokrajhar
5 Joypur (B) Kokrajhar
6 Bishmuri (B) Kokrajhar
7 Runikhata & Bhurpar Sidli-Chirang
8 Serfunguri (SATC) Gossaigaon
9 Hazarkia Gossaigaon
10 Golajhar Gossaigaon
11 Bhumka-Maligaon Gossaigaon
12 Santipur Gossaigaon
13 Kachugaon Gossaigaon (Encroacher)
14 Sapkata Gossaigaon (Encroacher)
15 Hakama Gossaigaon
16 Alengibazar Kokrajhar
17 Anthiabari - Tinali Kokrajhar

Table : 6

Sl No. Partly Rehabilitated Camps District/ Circle
1. Patgaon(Adivashi) Gossaigaon
2. Deosri(B) Sidli-Chirang
3. Alengibazar Gossaigaon
4. Dhanpur(Karigaon) kokrajhar
5. Athiabari-Tiniali Gossaigaon
6. Simbergaon Kokrajhar

The following section will deal at length with the many difficulties faced by children youth and women living in the camps. During the course of the study it was observed that the conflict which brought along the pangs of displacement had some direct effect on the education, nutrition and health of the children, youth and women.

1.1 Education


Prior to the conflicts too the education scenario was not satisfactory. Nevertheless, villages in the area had excess to at least primary and at many places secondary schools. But the functioning of the existing schools began to be hampered as the Bodo movement changed its techniques and started taking resort to violence and bandhs (closure of schools, colleges, offices and business establishments) for achieving its goal. Owing to frequent bandhs in the area schools as well colleges were unable to cover their syllabus on time. This backlog became an obstacle for many who desired to further pursue their studies elsewhere.

Soon after the inter-ethnic clashes there was further deterioration in the over all educational scenario of the area. The following section accounts for the challenges, which some of the victims of the conflict continue to face even today.

Field Findings

One of the immediate effects of conflict on the education of the children is disruption/discontinuation of schooling. Here too the situation is not different. Soon after the conflict erupted, schools were closed down not for security reasons alone but also because schools were been used as shelters by those affected by conflict.

A sizeable number of young boys and girls living in the relief camps were school goers when the unfortunate incident took place. The conflict which was followed by displacement, to be more exact continued displacement did not give them any chance of resuming their studies. However, Runikatha - Bhurpar camp is among few camps which have access to government school. The school is in fact situated at a stone throw distance from the camp but the children of the camp are unable to avail the benefits of education. The research team was surprised to come across children who were in standard II and III but were not in a position to recognize alphabets from their text books. Explaining the reason as to why children could not recognize the alphabets Dara Kisko an elderly camp inmate said,

“They cannot learn anything, their teacher speaks in Assamese and they do not understand Assamese. We can speak in Assamese because we had Assamese friends and neighbors. But these children grew up speaking only their mother tongue. They just go to school for the sack of it.”

Since the children from this Adivasi camp speak only Adivasi languages (Santhali, Orang etc.) they fail to comprehend the medium (Assamese) of instruction and the language of their teachers who speak in Assamese. Hence, they lack interest in their lessons and most of them end up learning nothing.

According to UNICEF report on the “The State of the World’s Children 2001”, the period from birth to three (3) years age is a very crucial period in a child’s life. It says that this period “influences how the rest of childhood and adolescence unfolds” 1. However this important phase is more then often neglected by policy makers in this part of the world.

On a visit to Golajar camp in Gossaigaon which has a population of four thousand one hundred and seventy three (4,173) out of this the population of minors stands at

seventeen hundred (1,700), the research team noticed similar neglect on the part of the policy makers. Most of children in the camp aged between 2.5-8 yrs were playing with piglets and chicks. When the team expressed its surprise on the way the children were playing, Kunti Besra an old lady and grand mother of two of the children playing said:

“These piglets need supervision and our children need recreation, so I allow my grandsons to play with them. Otherwise in this place they have nothing else to do.”

Not only this, in the absence of any educational package that could allow the conflict-displacement induced school dropouts to resume their studies the number of frustrated, unskilled youth has reached an alarming level. The level of dissatisfaction among the young brigade could be well estimated from what an inmate of Vet. Complex Bangtol camp Sibu Besra, a 20 year old, high school dropout said:

“How can anyone think of going to school it such a situation. We could not come out of the horror of conflict, and attend schools. And after so many years I don’t want to study any more. Our lives will continue to be as it is. No one ever did any thing and they will never do any thing for us.”

This is not the voice of Sibu alone; his frustrations are echoed by his counterparts living in similar situation elsewhere. Dhiru Madri from Runikatha –Bhurbar camp echoes the sentiment of Sibu Besra. Madri says:

“I was in class 6 when the conflict took place. I was the brightest of my six siblings. My family had high expectations from me. But today everything has changed, I could not complete my studies, tell me who can study when there is constant fear and uncertainty. I could not fulfill the expectations of my family. I have no work here so I and my friends loiter around the whole day.”

The position of girl child and her accessibility to education needs a special mention here. During the conflict as well as in the post conflict situations girls not only lose their freedom of mobility; they also have to compromise on certain other spheres of life, education is one such sacrifice which is both expected and made mostly by the female child of the family. Bimla Murmu of Runikatha-Bhurpar camp is one such case. In spite of the easy accessibility of education, Bimla is not in position to avail it. When the researchers enquired as to why Bimla did not go to school. She said:

“How will I go to school, my mother has gone out to work and I have to look after my siblings and my ailing grandmother. My father died few years back. He died of dysentery.”

However in camps like Kasugaon the education scenario is not as deplorable, thanks to the initiatives taken by Lutheran World Service (LWS). Rupa Tiru’s success is a testimony of healthier education environment that prevails in Kasugaon camp. Ms. Tiru a standard X student harbors a positive attitude towards life. She says:

“I know there are many problems in our lives but I think if I study well things will change for better, Even our teachers say so.”

When she was asked about her aim in life she promptly replied that she wanted to be a teacher. Braving the daily hazards of camp life Ms. Tiru attends her classes regularly and she was found to have command over the subjects taught to her. English been her favorite subject she un hesitantly recited some lines from Robert Frost’s poem, “Stopping by the Woods on a Snowy Evening”

“The woods are lovely, dark and deep,
But I have promises to keep.
And miles to go before I sleep.”

However, the research team learned from the elderly persons of the camp that the school service provided by LWS would end in 2007. Besides the ray of hope which was more than evident in the bright eyes of young Rupa, the overall education scenario in the camps in BTAD area wears a gloomy look

1.2 Health and Sanitation

The boons of popular health schemes like National Rural Health Mission (NRHM) are yet to be received by the relief camp dwellers. Most of the camps do not have access to health care centers. However, Vet. Complex Bangtol camp, which shelters five hundred and twenty eight (528) inmates, is an exception. The health center of the area is situated just opposite to Bangtol Vet. Complex camp. But surprisingly the camp dwellers prefer quacks to doctors and indigenous herbs to medicine. When the team desired to learn as to why things were so, the president of the camp Damu Besra informed the research team,

“When anyone in the camp falls sick they don’t go to the health centre, because there is no medicine there. So, the inmates prefer to be at home rather than going to the health centre. The health centre staffs suggest us to buy medicines from market. Tell me what is the use of going there?”

Moreover, the nutrition level of the inmates needs a thorough study. Presently the camp inmates are entitled to ration for only 10 days in a month. The ration consists of only rice. There is no especial consideration for pregnant women or growing children. Biru Hasda from the same camp complains:

“In a month we get ration for 10 days only. An adult gets 600gms and children get 400gms of rice. We don’t have any means of livelihood here. Some inmates fish from the nearby lakes, pond etc. Some work in small business establishments. This is how we have been surviving all these years. No one thinks for us. When you return to the city please tell someone to help us.”

Not only this, as a matter of fact pregnant and lactating mothers did not receive adequate attention and care in the relief camps, during the months immediately after conflict. Sukumari Hasda ex-secretary of Adivasi Mahila Samity (AMS) speaks about the hazards that she and her colleagues had to take while lobbying for baby food for the new born. Ms. Hasda said:

“Expecting mothers ate nothing for days, so you can imagine the condition of babies born out of hungry mothers. These women were not in a position to feed their new-born. I am a women I could understand the condition of the mothers. So, our samity decided to do something for the new borns. Some of us even went to Dispur so that the babies have something to eat. The situation was so tensed but keeping aside all our fear we visited the administration, and ultimately baby foods were supplied to camp inmates.”

Complications during pregnancy, childbirth, claimed many lives. Narration from an eye witness of one such incident follows. Tikhri of Vet. Complex Bangtol camp said:

“Immediately after the conflict, many women had to give birth to children in the open, without any medical attention or help from mid-wives. I myself have seen a lady wailing during her labour pain, but there was no one to help her and she ultimately died. I will never forget this incident in my lifetime.”

Decades have passed but little has changed and child birth continues to take place in the dingy, unhygienic dwellings of the inmates. Vet. Complex Bangtol is not the only exception, this trend can be observed in other camps as well. However the reason for this varies. For Bangtol camp inmates the nearby health center do not have adequate health facilities to assist during child birth, according to Bismuri camp inmates the health machineries are situated too far to be accessed by a women who is undergoing labour pain. This is what Sundari Tiru had to say:

“Doctors have never visited us, though a sign board reads nearest health centre Patgaon, but we don’t go there, it is too far for us. Even male inmates who fall sick cannot go to Patgaon. How can a pregnant woman go? When we fall sick we visit pharmacists in Bismuri area. And there are dhai maa’s (mid-wives) to assist us during child birth.”

Besides this at many other camps like Hazarkia, Golajhar, Bhumka-Maligaon the inmates were found to be unaware of schemes under NRHM which gives incentives to the mother for delivering child in government health centers.

WHO defines health as, a state of complete physical, mental and social well-being and not merely the absence of disease or infirmity 2. Mental wellness refers to a positive attribute, such that a person can reach enhanced levels of mental health, even if they do not have any diagnosable mental health condition. This definition of mental health highlights emotional well-being, the capacity to live a full and creative life, and the flexibility to deal with life's inevitable challenges 3.

Going by the above definitions the inter-ethnic conflicts not only affected the victims physically, it also posed serious threat to victims’ mental health. Direct exposure to violence may result in acute psychological disorder. Conflict victims are vernarable to some of these long term psychological effects like lack of concentration, depression, anxiety etc. the research team came across such cases of conflict related psychological problems.Surprisingly it was found that there is no provision to help victims of conflict who were battling to come out of conflict related shocks. Tuli Besra, aged 80, an inmate of Bismuri camp is one such case. As per government records, the total population of the camp is two thousand three hundred and thirty four (2334). Ms. Tuli was found to be too shocked to narrate her pains. Her, son Mangal Murmu narrated the reason behind his mother’s silence –

“Don’t ask her anything she will not reply. She has stopped talking since that fateful day when twenty (29) members of our extended family were killed. She was witness to some of the killings. And since then she hardly talks.”

The difficulties faced by these camp dwellers are many however the problems faced by women and young girls have a different dimension which often goes unaddressed. In the initial days the relief camps did not provide for the much needed private space for the female inmates. Not only this, female inmates had to compromise on such bare necessities like maintenance of hygiene. Kamli Tiru (name changed) from Kasugaon relief camp where the number of female inmates is one thousand eight hundred and ninety eight(1,898), shares with the researchers the kind of adjustments that she and other females of the camp made during their menstruation period:

“We ran out of our homes without carrying anything. I could not find anything in the relief material which could help me to maintain minimum hygiene during those days, not even a piece of cloth. With no other option I started looking for some sort of isolation where I could site the whole day. Others also did the same. Please, don’t remain me of those horrible days.”

More then ten years down the lane females in the camps continue to be devoid of their ‘space’. The study found that there were no provisions of latrines for the inmates of the camps. Even today they continue to attend to nature’s call in the open or near the banks of rivers or streams. Simri Tudu from Bhumka-Maligaon says :

“During the day time we manage to go to the nearby woods. But at night we cannot go too far. So, at night we look for isolation and sit wherever possible.”

Though, these camp dwellers survived the inter-ethnic clashes. But their struggle for life continues to these days. Their biggest enemy today is – hunger, unemployment, and lingering fear of an unsecured future.

▄ Some of the camps have been visited more than once.

Thursday, March 04, 2010

‘The Chittagong Hill Tracts; living in a borderland’- Willem van Schendel, Wolfgang Mey& Aditya Kumar Dewan.(The university press limited, Dhaka,2001)

Sucharita Sengupta

The book entitled ‘The Chittagong Hill Tracts; living in a borderland’ written by Willem van Schendel, Wolfgang Mey & Aditya Kumar Dewan explores a theme of neglect- to quote the authors- “…the Chittagong Hill Tracts form part of one of Asia’s most ignored regions” (Introduction), a story of marginalization of communities and yet another saga of partition politics. The Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHTs) are perhaps one of the most glaring examples of how certain communities are still bearing the brunt of colonial rule followed by the partition of India. The authors trace uniquely the insecurities, identity crisis and dilemmas of communities living in the borderland. The CHTs are a borderland between Burma, India and Bangladesh which is inhabited by almost twelve distinct ethnic groups with strong cultural links to South East Asia. At the outset the authors make it very clear that they have employed photography as a methodology to study their subject. Although a photographic survey of the CHTs was ordered as part of this project, the authors have relied largely upon personal photographs to weave their arguments. Covering around 20 chapters the book manifests the struggle of the inhabitants to retain their indigenous identity amidst shifts in political control and cultural infiltration. It does not narrate the conflicts but rather focuses on the background that gave birth to the schisms.

The introduction begins with a claim of the authors that the book is solely based on a singular non written source of information which is photographic survey. Over 400 photographs have been used in the book to provide the readers an insight into the cultural heritage of the inhabitants. In fact it was a deliberate move on part of the writers since photographs can be considered as potential contributors to the understanding of history. The authors however do not deny the risk of doing so. In Chapters one and two they acknowledge this fact by stating that objective photography reflects reality in a controlled way. This point has been substantiated by images (Plates 1 and 4 in Pg 11) where it is shown how physical anthropologists have displayed people by making them stand in attention ready to be scrutinized. With the dawn of the 20th century thus the “trust in the objectivity of photography began to decline”(Pg-13) for fear of manipulation of visual image. Things started to look up from the 1970s with the emergence of visual anthropology. Now onwards ethnographic photographs started to be scrutinized as source materials of history. This book therefore bears testimony to how photographs can be used as a means to document the complexities of a trouble zone like the Chittagong Hills. The photographs were meant for personal use and therefore the authors had taken a lot of pain to compile and present them in the several chapters of this book. The photographs were taken by both the outsiders like travelers, anthropologists, missionaries and also by the inhabitants. The ones taken by the local people were mainly used to record family events. The authors here again warn the readers of how in absence of written materials one tends to depend on personal judgments. Like in the case of this book, the authors have used photographs and framed them with contemporary texts. While in certain cases the value of the photographs has been selected, in others focus has been given on what these photographs depict in terms of reality.

Chapters three to six deal with the history and nomenclature of the Chittagong Hills and the transition of control from one authority to the other. One of many instances can be sighted here to show how images have been used in the text. Like through some images the authors have tried to show how the chiefs in the hills used to dress up publicly in unique style, each distinct from the other. While the Chakma Rajas (plates 22, 23 & 24-Pgs 36, 37) liked to dress up like Bengali aristocrats, the Bohmong and Mong chiefs chose a different style.

In the subsequent chapters the authors sketch a brief history of the hills. Before the British annexation the hills were ruled by the ‘chiefs’. After the British took control in the 1860s the chiefs’ public display of power became restricted and although the hereditary system to power was still practiced the final say on the matter rested upon the colonial rulers. The authors here also note why at all the history of the hills were crafted by historians. The Chittagong Hill tracts never gained much prominence in the history of Bangladesh or Pakistan for that matter. It was not until an armed rebellion broke out between a regional political party and the Bangladeshi armed forces that historians began to eye the region with interest. Through a wide range of images, the book narrates the background of the genesis of the problem in the hills. The lives of the local people were always at the mercy of first the British, then the Pakistan government and finally the Bangladesh government after 1971. In 1947 with the end of the British rule India was partitioned into India and Pakistan. Much to the surprise of the people of the hills the area came under the domain of Pakistan control. The attitude of the Pakistan government towards the region was one of ignorance. While the government was interested in the rich natural resources of the region, the people were despised. All previous undemocratic measures like taxation and hereditary claim to power were retained by the new administration. This was the start of differences between the people in the plains and the hills. The authors meticulously sight not only the geographical but also the cultural division between the hills and the plains as another major cause of the problem of confrontation. While the plain was inhabited by the Bengalis, the hills were resided by several groups like the Chakma, Marma, Tripura, Mru and Taungchengya. The problem further mounted up and reached its zenith in forms of armed clashes after the creation of Bangladesh in 1971 following which the privacy of the hills were infringed upon due to a large influx of Bengali muslim settlers.

The final section of the book spans over the remaining twelve chapters. In this section the authors refute the pre-conceived myth of a romanticized lifestyle of the ‘natives’ in the hills which is ‘anti-development’. The locals were perceived by the westerners and Bengali settlers as innocent and nature friendly. This kind of a notion stems out again from a particularistic pattern of clicking the inhabitants. “Many photographs and writings on the Chittagong Hill Tracts project a vision of innocence and charm” (pg – 83). A sharp distinction was drawn in the images between the photographer (fully dressed and civilized) and the photographed (nude and uncivilized) like a semi nude woman is clicked spinning cotton (Pg-84, plate 89). The inhabitants were assumed to be associated with notions like ‘backwardness’, ‘uncivilized’, and ‘anti modern’. The visitors took pleasure in painting the ‘other’ culture as “looseness of morality” (pg-95), which never existed. ‘Nudity’ further contributed to creation of such a strange construction. Fanaticized open sexual life and nakedness have been the constant point of reference of visitors to the hills. The glorification of natural beauty again had an inherent implication that brands the people of the hills as ‘primitive’. Thus the Pakistan government was clear in its developmental endeavors in the hills which deprived the local people at large. The creation of the huge Kaptai reservoir by the government was a catastrophe as it floods around 650 sq kms of valley displacing around 100,000s of people whose houses and villages were submerged. So development in the hills was never attempted at doing well for the people rather it was development for the people neglecting the people.

To sum up, the book is an excellent documentation, probably the first of its kind to record the poignancy in the lives of the people of the hills trough images. The authors succeed in driving home certain key arguments, in particular the criticism of the construction of the ‘other’. They also put forth arguments on why they have decided to choose photography as a method in the book. The dearth of written materials and not so helpful archives shaped their decision. The ‘introduction’ and ‘conclusion’ encapsulate perfectly the introspection of the writers. The book also stands out because it argues each contention through images and the plethora of images that have been used in the document itself are unparalleled. The book would surely be of immense help to researchers interested in this subject as it covers a wide array of issues in the borderland, ranging from the early history of the region, to the fallacious developmental policies of governments resulting in violent clashes and also for throwing light on themes like how a notion of ‘other’ is always considered backward, opposition of civilizations and creation of a westernized notion of ‘modern’ and ‘primitive’. Any culture which does not match up with the accepted notions of developementalism and modernity is necessarily ‘uncultured’ and ‘anti-modern’.