Suman Nath, Haldia
Government College. This article was part of his ongoing fieldwork in Paschim
Medinipur, where he enquires about the links between local governance and large
scale political changes.
Fig 1: Wooden plank used to
cross the newly constructed fence.
Until recently, Jindal Steel Works (JSW) project, in
Salboni, West Bengal was commonly believed to be a successful case of land
acquisition without major unrest even at a time when land related movements were
at their peak in Singur. The amount of land acquired is about 4562 acres of which only about 500
acres is taken from the villagers and the rest is part of an existing animal
farm and vested land. With lack of irrigation and fertile land the compensation
seemed lucrative which is Rs.600,000 per acre of which 50 percent is given in
cash and rest as share to the company and one job per family. A daunting delay in
implementation of the project because of problems with coal block allocation
and transportation of water, in December 2014 JSW declares to give back 294 acres of land to the villagers[i].
This initiative is dubbed by the Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee as “a
pro-farmer move on the part of the industry group.”[ii]
This article, part of my ethnographic work in twelve
villages surrounding the proposed project area, reflects on the loss of vital
livelihood supports of the people surrounding the project area and resultant
forced migration.
The Villages and the vested land:
Among 12 villages, five are inhabited by the Santals
and the rest are multiethnic: occupied by castes like Mahato, Teli, Bagal, tribes
like Santals and also a few Muslims. These are located approximately 10 - 15 km
away from the National Highway 60, approachable through the farm road--- the
name suggesting previously existing animal farm. Each of the villages depend
heavily on forest and domestic animals – a dependence which has been supported
by now obsolete animal farm and now acquired vested land. The multi caste
villages perform agriculture and people from both these and tribal villages
work as casual labour to neighbouring Medinipur town.
Fig. 2: Tree roots soon to be used as fuel.
When I started my fieldwork back in 2008, only a few
pillars were installed marking the boundaries of the project area without
halting free access to the acquired land which was moderately forested. Major
resources which have been supporting their livelihoods since time immemorial
include fuel wood, fodder, food, and medicines. The vested land also provided a
space for the people to do open defecation. With Joint Forest Management
initiatives some of the villagers also invested in production of cashew nuts
from cashew trees in the forest. Over the years they have looked after those
trees only to see them chopped down. In several villages Jaher Than, the sacred grove – essential aspect of Santal
spirituality had to be removed which entailed not only emotional burden over
the villagers but also a huge cost in performing the ritual. Post 2010, the
construction of a wall covering a circumference of approximately 40 km began. JSW
chopped down all the trees, levelled the land blocking the natural flow of
water from Western side to the eastern side on which farming depended. Without
the forest, people continue to dig up tree roots in order to meet their fuel
needs. People sold off livestock because the grazing land fell within the
project area and could not be accessed any longer.
Fig. 3: Reconstructed Jaher Than.
Where does the money go?
“When I had money as the compensation, my elder son started a business
venture, my younger son demanded a motorbike. I had to pay some amount to my
son-in-law. My wife wanted an expensive television. My neighbourhood friend
needed a loan... the rest I have invested in a scheme with high return and as
it appears I have been cheated...” [Reported by one of the older villagers after getting the compensation
money]
From 2008 onwards it became difficult to talk to the
villagers because of the visits by the ‘investment advisors’. These investment
advisors could pursue most of the villagers who got compensation to invest in a
variety of schemes starting from mutual fund to chit fund. By 2013 I could
locate most of the motorbikes bought are no longer running because of the lack
of money to buy the fuel. I could not identify a single villager generating
durable asset. By 2013 a committee supported by the All India Trinamool
Congress demanding quicker commencement of the project started rallying. One of
the local leaders reflects in 2013:
“...some of us are given some preliminary training with a promise of
job. We are taken to visit other plants by JSW to have a feel what this place
will be soon. Now that we have lost all our money and assets, we need the
factory to start as soon as possible...”
The compulsive migration:
With diminishing livelihood supports villagers started
to migrate from the end of 2013. The first to move out was a group of young men
to Karnataka not only to work as construction worker but also to keep in touch
with JSW Karnataka. Today most of the families have at least one migrant
labour. In absence of these youngsters the sports activities in the villages
have also taken a beating. One of the local coaches who enthusiastically formed
a football team in A. B. R. Kherwal Gaota Club reports “JSW steel plant has taken away more than our traditional forest
dependent lives. It has destroyed relationships, raised walls between the
villages, making near places distant... more painfully they have dismantled our
team. My players are now construction workers who will never return...”
[recorded in December 2014].
[i]
http://www.business-standard.com/article/companies/sajjan-jindal-to-return-salboni-locals-their-land-114121500792_1.html
[ii]
http://www.thehindu.com/business/Industry/jsw-to-return-land-to-farmers/article6694228.ece
