Social Media and Humanitarian Disasters

Ishita Dey

It is important to highlight at the outset that social media is personal and public in nature. The personal status messages range from what one had for breakfast, to voicing opinions. The range is vast and it is this vastness that creates an ambiguity regarding social media as a platform. The ambiguity and shifting roles that one can adopt with little or no responsibility has been termed as “slacktivism” in social media. Though the term was originally coined by Dwight Ozard and Fred Clark at the Cornerstone Festival 1995 series it has come to represent the activism on social media particularly after Evgeny Morozove (2009) argued, “"Slacktivism" is an apt term to describe feel-good online activism that has zero political or social impact. It gives those who participate in "slacktivist" campaigns an illusion of having a meaningful impact on the world without demanding anything more than joining a Facebook group. Remember that online petition that you signed and forwarded to your entire contacts list? That was probably an act of slacktivism...” (http://neteffect.foreignpolicy.com/posts/2009/05/19/the_brave_new_world_of_slacktivism)

“Slactivism” becomes a tool for analysing social media activism and it is against this backdrop that statements like “We are not people of comment and like” from Egyptian revolution needs to be understood. In one of the provocative articles, Shazia Islam (2013) mentions that such acts of slactivism do nothing beyond raising awareness. She writes, “There is absolutely nothing wrong in the advocacy of a worthy cause and standing up for what you believe in. But the effectiveness of doing so only behind the glow of a laptop monitor or cell phone screen is up for debate. History has always had its share of band-wagon fist-pumpers who stand in the background claiming, “Oh yeah. I’m in,” with cheeks stuffed with free food, and slacktivism is no different. There is little evidence that taking a couple of quick minutes to tweet, update a Facebook status, or fall in line with millions of others’ profile pictures will do anything more than satisfy the ego”(http://humberetc.com/2013/04/12/social-media-breeds-slactivism/).The personal nature of the social media platforms on one hand, and the ability with which a rather active facebook user, twitteratti can choose to remain silent or participate in the real life makes the role of social media arbitrary. The arbitrariness arises from the ambiguity that lies in “virtual action” of likes, comments and statuses and action on the field. Virtual discussions practices can be used to generate interest, increase awareness and act as a pressure group through online petitions, but the task of translating virtual action and interest through collective action in real world requires an understanding of how collective action is organised through change of roles. Post flash – floods in Uttarakhand, there were several “community pages” were created, particularly facebook. Three kinds of information were shared across facebook and twitter: available information on missing people, available information on rescued people and appeal to relief and rehabilitation. In some cases the social media pages also resorted to pressure making tactics regarding rescue efforts and creating pressures through online petitions. What remains to be seen is how “social” is the social media, the political rootedness of the social media social media and its actors, and access and reach of social media. While social media’s roots remain in the personal, the collective use of the social media platforms has increasingly been under surveillance and anonymous tweeps, bloggers have used the platforms to generate awareness campaigns. At this crossroad, lies the ways in which Information and Communication Technology intersects through Google Person Finder – a specially designed service which was used during Uttarakhand Relief work. Google Person Finder – web based application helped to track missing persons. Such applications were used widely post Katrina by IT professionals who worked on available maps, divided them into zones and developed web based application to track missing persons. Multiple websites were created instead of single integrated one and Google Person Finder is an open source application specifically used in disasters to track missing persons where any interested party can look up for information or update information about missing persons. The information is later deleted according to Google’s web portal. For instance, the person finder page in case of Uttarakhand is not available any more. Social media, and its uses are to be understood within the contexts in which it emerges, and the use of technology to address those issues.

IDPs from Swat Province in Uncertainty as Peace Talks Fail between

Compiled by Ishita Dey

On 15 February 2014, a news report in TOI carried a report of how families were looking forward to the peace talks between Government of Pakistan and the Taliban. This instilled a hope in Bibi and many others like her, who were forced to live in temporary shelters, IDP camps because of the conflict torn tribal areas in Pakistan. According to this report, ZarmataBibi lost her son, grand-daughter to conflict and was forced to flee in 2012 from her home. Another resident from Khyber district (one of the worst hit areas due to an army operation against Khyber and where there have been clashes last year as well) wished that this dialogue will lead to some solution. He has been living in a camp since 2009. The conflict in SWAT province left people homeless and the Government’s attempts to take control in the semi-autonomous tribal zone has been met with multi-layered challenges of home grown insurgency, and revenge killings. As the talks were on, 23 paramilitary soldiers were reportedly executed as a revenge for army operations in the volatile tribal regions (See Reuters). This has led to a deadlock and the peace talks have collapsed leaving the displaced in camps, or temporary shelters in perpetual uncertainty.
For details visit:
“Pakistan’s displaced families put faith in peace talks” The Times of India, 15 February 2014.http://articles.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/2014-02-15/pakistan/47358291_1_peace-talks-jalozai-camp-swat-valley; Accessed on 16 February 2014

“Peace talks between Pakistan and Taliban collapse after killings” 17 February 2014; http://www.reuters.com/article/2014/02/17/us-pakistan-taliban-idUSBREA1G0G520140217; Accessed on 17 February 2014.

Afghan Refugees in India Fear Return

Compiled by Ishita Dey

As of 2011, there were more than 18000 refugees in India (External Affairs Ministry) and out of them 10,000 reportedly were registered with UNHCR. Though international statistics of UNHCR show voluntary repatriation of 5.7 million people in the last ten years, some 2.7 million people continue live in exile in neighbouring countries. According to the report “Afghan Refugees in India refuse to return fearing violence” (The Outlook), most of the refugees were forced to flee Afghanistan and struggled to make a living in Delhi. One of the refugees point out that though people are retuning back, they continue to live life in conflict torn Afghanistan with no jobs or money. Fearing an uncertain future most people do not want to go back. Some also point out that they fear that once the NATO troops are withdrawn, the Taliban might take over. The fear of the past looms large as refugees continue to struggle and negotiate with the changing rules and modalities of documentation in India, as India is a non-signatory to 1951 convention. The Government of India, as the report suggests has started issuing long term visas and according to a UNHCR official, some of the Chin refugees from Myanmar have obtained them. Initially, there was a provision for giving visas for six months which had to be renewed and failure to do so mean hefty sums of fine. Under the given circumstances, Afghan refugees in Delhi prefer not to return to their homeland and live a life in transit.

For details see:-Saini, G.“Afghan Refugees in India refuse to return fearing violence” 22 December 2013 http://news.outlookindia.com/items.aspx?artid=821927; Accessed on 13 February 2014.

Australia to Shut Down for Mainland Immigration Centres

Compiled by Ishita Dey

Australia has been under the scanner for its immigration policies and in its latest attempt to securitise borders the Government has announced to shut down the mainland immigration centres. These detention centres are run by British outsourcing firm Serco Group Plc and this closure will save A$88.8 million. According to the article “Australia hardens refugee policy, to close mainland centres”( see link below), this move comes at a time when Australian Navy has been reportedly been returning asylum seeker vessels to Indonesia. Indonesia has been a transit route for boat people trying to migrate to Australia. Despite the recent shift of asylum seeking processing facilities to Nauru and Papua New Guinea, the closure of the immigration centres clearly shows the ways in which much criticised off-shore immigration arrangements are newer ways of controlling “boat people”.

For details visit: http://www.dnaindia.com/world/report-australia-hardens-refugee-policy-to-close-mainland-centres-1950754; Accessed on 23 January 2014; 2014

Q&A Session with Meghna Guhathakurta

This report is prepared by Shreya Ghosh. She was a participant of the Eleventh Annual Orientation Course on Forced Migration, 2013

[Meghna Guhathakurta is the Executive Director of Research Initiatives, Bangladesh, a research organization working with marginalized communities. Formerly she was Professor of International Relations at the University of Dhaka, Bangladesh. She was the speaker of an interactive sessionat Eleventh Annual Orientation Course on Forced Migration, organized by Mahanirban Calcutta Research Group on December 8, 2013]

Meghna Guhathakurta initiated the discussion through sharing her work on family histories and how family can be a crucial site of investigation to understand the ways in which decisions related to migration are taken and to unravel the different gender roles in negotiating migration. She further spoke on the idea of 'violence', 'fear' and migration. She spoke of instances where violence does not necessarily demonstrate itself explicitly, but results in a sense of (psychological) fear. The idea of perceived 'fear' is important in understanding forced migration and, according to her, family is again an institution that negotiates with such fear and looking at family narratives can become critical in understanding fear driven migration.

Q.Can you speak on the experience of environment driven migration in Bangladesh and whether looking at 'family' can be used as a 'method' of investigation in such cases.

A.Bangladesh is among the countries that are prone to environmental disasters and related migration. This is especially so in case of south-west Bangladesh, which is also where the Sunderbans are located. Here, drastic changes take place in the environment due to siltation and erosion of soil which leads to large migration of mostly agricultural laborers. Another cause of forced migration remains the frequent change of river course in Bangladesh.

One has not used family narratives as a method for looking at environmental migrations. But there remains a possibility. Such environment driven migration often leads to men in the effected villages migrating for work, while women are left behind. There are villages now that only consists of women. Abandoned women become vulnerable. There are instances were seasonal laborers, who come into new areas, marry women who have once been abandoned and then they too leave after a while, at the end of the season.

An important aspect about cross border migration is that successive migrations take place through same border passes and areas, using the networks that are established. There is also a continuous negotiation with border guards and state institutions.

Q.Has there been any significant migration, specially of any minority community, due to recent political crisis in Bangladesh (Shahbag movement)?

A.One specific instance is that of migration among the Buddhist community in Bangladesh. There were some rumors and panic related to mob violence which led to migratory trends among the aforementioned group to other Buddhist majority states. Such migration can be momentary or cyclical.

Also there are other deeper issues that need to be highlighted here. In Bangladesh, there is a tendency towards land grabbing within the influential political and elite classes. Minorities and the land belonging to the migrants are especially susceptible. There is a systematic structure of laws and norms that has been devised to effect such land grabbing. The Enemy Property Act was a legislation of such kind. In more recent times, this has been followed by legislation to try and control temple land or property held by communities for religious purposes (devatya property).

Also there are times when the state encourages migration for remittances. Equally, it is true that migration happens because people want to live a better life. For instance people go out on dangerous and uncertain ventures, traveling long distances, in anticipation of better livelihood and living conditions. Some such travels even become fatal for few migrants.

Q.Is there any change in perception of self-identity among new generation of Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh? Does the new generation recognize a change from being refugees to being stateless?

A.Protracted refugee-hood can become a condition of statelessness. UNHCR has introduced the category of statelessness but the Bangladesh state does not consider Rohingyas as stateless. They consider Myanmar as responsible for them.

On part of the Rohingya refugees, the older generation is very conscious of their Myanmarese belonging and cultural and linguistic roots. They are also very conscious of ensuring a certain continuation of the same among their next generation. While teaching them language skills and education in camps, the mothers of the Rohingya refugee children often complained about the teaching medium not being the Burmese language and the fear of losing the language among the new generation. Hence while teaching at the camps, one had to develop teaching programmes in the Burmese language.

Q.Has there been any case of displacement due to the Rampal power plant project?

A.This again is a project in the south-western part of Bangladesh. The construction of the said project was stopped due to protests. But the rate of displacement due to large construction projects in Bangladesh is high. The displaced also receive very less or often no compensation. The displaced from the Jamuna bridge project have not received due compensation. Also there are gas explosion related disasters. The displaced and victims of Magurchara gas explosion have not yet received compensation. The Kaptai dam in Bangladesh has been the source of one of the largest refugee population group.

Q.On the nature of work by Research Initiative Bangladesh (RIB) in the Rohingya refugee camps?

A.RIB does not follow the top down developmental model of forcing change from above. In its efforts it negotiates with existing community conventions in order to make change participatory. Over the time, we have seen the relevance of working with and breaking the cultural codes.

Q.Is it not that working through existing cultural norms of communities re-enforces prevailing patriarchal norms. How does it foresee change?

A.Yes, but it is important to work with existing cultural norms in order to make change acceptable. It is like walking on a thin line. Negotiating with community conventions is also important for legitimizing change and in guise work towards women empowerment. Another important aspect is of protection. In case of negotiating through community conventions it helps to gain the confidence of the community and hence one is better placed to protect them. Losing the confidence of the community leadership might lead to loosing access to the community all-together. It is important to remember here that one is dealing with multiple stake-holders – the Bangladesh government on the one hand and the UNHCR on the other – who might not like very much interference. In such a scenario one always has to retain the confidence of the community. The question one always has to keep in mind, over and above everything else, is the responsibility to protect the community. Hence the perspective of refugees is crucial, it is important to understand what people want.

“Shaping Technology” for the Protection of Refugees

Marko Szilveszter MACSKOVICH

The incorporation of innovation into the humanitarian workflow, striving to find new solutions, especially from outside of the sector and to express willingness to embrace novelty is an emerging tendency in the behavior of humanitarian agencies. Solutionsthat enter through the humanitarian gateway can have minor, complementary as well as major paradigm shift causing attributes.

The innovation culture wherein the decision is being made on novel solutions has the rigorous task to ensure that the choice will serve the intended output. For technology-based solutions, especially the ones that are affecting and even defining identity, the threshold of acceptance must be set proportionally to the strictness of privacy safeguards and the purpose envisaged. Further, the understanding of the technology behind the solution to grasp its potential, its risks, limitations and life span is pivotal.

The rationale for reaching out to technology is that it has an inherent potential to expand protection space against contracting tendencies. To discover the spaces where it can deliver these outputs, refugee protection is being placed in the notion of social shaping processes where innovative ideas may enter and materialize in technological artifacts.

Only being aware of the capability of a technology to produce an output is not enough to capture its full potential. Technology needs to be understood from the outside, as much as from the inside: what are the shaping forces, how they are interconnected, how control can be employed, what are the limits, the risks and through what modalities can they be resolved and mitigated in the short- as well as in the long term. While the decision is being negotiated on the use of a particular solution, the knowledge-base and methodology of the organizational innovation culture should take note of the solution’s inherent attributes. Not just its impact but also the shaping forces of the solution,from the inside and from the outside.

These considerations are even more focal in the humanitarian context where funding, and thus room to maneuver in choices, is limited and the target population is highly sensitive to risks. Humanitarian organizations ought to endeavor for a thorough understanding of the envisaged technology’s holistic posture, especially in reference to the expected output as it rests at the core of the decision-making process. The “black-box” of technology needs to be opened and its composing elements need to be looked at with the requirement of transparency.

Space is present within the refugee protection realm to employ novel ways to positively impact the life of this particular social group. In this article I focus on how this space can be cultivated and consciously developed. It remains conscious of positive expectations generally connected to the employment of technologies, and although acknowledging the potential of benefits, it simultaneously endorses a cautious approach. Technology cannot be expected as the ultimate solution, rather a tool of complementarity. The solution it delivers – especially in the refugee context – is highly time sensitive and susceptible to all environmental variables. Technology’s deployment should be accompanied with the tool’s thorough understanding, including its potential benefits balanced with cautious expectations in light of realities in the field.

The “social shaping of technology” (SST) approach (Williams & Edge, 1996)argues that a technology to be perceived and looked at with the impetus purely on its impact and outcomes does not allow for a deep understanding of the “technology artifact”, and does not broaden the corresponding technology policy agenda. Instead of the linear, traditional approach the SST argues for the opening of the black-box of technology to make visible the socio-economic patterns embedded in the content of technology and the process of innovation(Bijker & Law, 1994; Ruth Schwartz Cowan, 1985). It implies that there is a particular process behind the shaping, design and implementation of technology, impacted by organizational, political, economic and cultural factors and not only an inner technical logic. Understanding these factors and their role and impact has a positive effect on the apprehension of the relationship between scientific excellence, technological innovation and economic and social well-being.

The argument of social shaping also implies the existence of shaping forces with the existence of a set of choices made at every stage in the generation and implementation of technology-based solutions, not just resting on purely technology attribute focused considerations but in pair with technology content influencing social factors. Choices can be made on various levels including design, systems, and trajectory of innovation processes leading to potentially different technological outcomes, ultimately impacting the implication towards society and towards a particular social group. The choices that can be made over technology and with consideration of the position of those who make these choices and their relationships with other actors, agents in the same or adjoining issue areas, create the setting for the politics of technology. Such a setting renders technology as non-neutral, subjecting it to the interest of particular actor(s) or (social) group(s) to preserve or alter social relations. Ultimately technology therewith becomes a platform for/of politics (Bruno Latour, 1988; Hård, 1993; Winner, 1978,1980).


In thecontext of forced migration, and zooming-in further on refugee protection, the agents that are exercising protection mandates are the ones who make the ultimate choices on technology. These choices are envisaged to be democratic to allow for a constructive technology assessment, involving therewith primarily the refugees – as the ultimate beneficiaries – to participate. Yet due to their“exposed” beneficiary position, the shaping and the control of the process what leads to the final choice on technology remains incomplete. (Rip, Misa, & Schot, 1995; Schot, 1992)

In this article’s scope, the technological artifact forming social processes are clustered into three categories: (1) general social processes, (2) refugee initiated processes, and (3) refugee targeted, through UNHCR, and other humanitarian agents. The interpretative sequence in each case differs. This classification takes note of the linkage between user and consumer and implies the use of the SST model. In the wave of economic dynamics and profit-oriented entrepreneurism the greater bulk of the population, across all social groups, are subject to a general socialization process through which they are able to access technological artifacts designed for the general population. These artifacts are stipulated to be accessible by its envisaged target groups.

The particular attributes of the refugee domain, such as the area covering the ultra-vulnerable refugee population, have its own dedicated social interpretative and shaping dynamics. Refugees, through the general social processes, are able to access and take advantage of the global market produced technological artifacts, such as mobile phones and the internet. To a minuscule degree they also contribute to the shaping of these products. Owing to the particularities of this – ultra-vulnerable – social group they can genuinely perceive and can also become suppliers of technological artifact to their own need. These solutions are not to be understood here as high-end products; rather solutions adapted or compiled from the general market but with the insider’s advantage to market its sub-version.


The category centre to this article is the social process that manifests between the suppliers and the refugees, with the inclusion of the humanitarian agents. The linkage that then impacts the development and control of the technological artifact creation and deployment rests on the humanitarian agents’ interpretation of the refugees’ needs, expectations. The thereby silhouetted humanitarian goals will formulate the baseline information that will define the choice and employment of the solution. The attention of this article is directed on the segment where the humanitarian agent interacts with the technology-based solution and its supplier; to what extent the SST model’s attributes are being manifested – in policy development (a technology-aware innovation policy and innovation cycle) and the understanding and choice of solution (based on an technology-aware assessment scheme).

Defining the needs of the population of concern is an initial step to embark on finding corresponding technology-based solutions. Most of the applied solutions are building on already invented formulas and being adapted to particular needs. Yet to ensure that the right mainstreamed solution is being employed or a new potential solution is being endeavored, an out-and-out apprehension is innate in reference to the interpreted value-needs/gaps of the displaced persons.

This social shaping discourse intends to direct attention to the social processes that the refugee protection domain similarly witnesses. Refugee protection practices also employ technology. Moreover, technology is even being used not just through the deployment of humanitarian actors, but by way of the general social processes the refugees are subject to. Practices of agencies and entities within the refugee domain can be also interpreted within the linear and the SST models.

This article emphasizes the need that technology-based solutions should be looked at beyond the linear perception. Proper technology-aware policies need to be developed that capture the need to understand what shapes technology, and the potential ways of how envisaged impacts can be achieved and their processes controlled. Policies are stipulated to include a scheme or mechanism that ensures such insights.

Dalit Camera: Through Untouchable Eyes

Samata Biswas

Human Rights violations and its media coverage have been under a scanner for its inconsistence reporting, and choosing to report based on market interests and interests of target audience. These interests often clash, and collide with majoritarian views and wave of the masses leaving little space for generating content regarding issues that affect the marginalised. It is at this juncture, and with this realisation, that Dalit Camera: Through Untouchable Eyesself-consciously formed itself as a platform that would enable marginalised voices to tell their own stories.

In their own words:
Dalit Camera (DC) is a YouTube Channel, through which we (largely students) cover the perspectives on/voices of Dalits, Adivasis, Bahujans and Minorities (DABM). DC has been active for the past one year. The first incident covered by DC was the desecration of an Ambedkar statue in Hyderabad. Though we did upload some videos before, this was the first time that we started taking the perspectives of different voices on an issue. Basically we were fed up with mainstream English channels that were outdoing each other on accusing DABM people. As a response to the cartelised-hegemony of the English news channels, we started taking different views, including that of Dalit activists and making it available to the public. The first issue that we dealt with at length and gave us some fame was the Osmania University beef issue. Our standpoint found resonances in many campuses across India like the English and Foreign Languages University, Osmania University, Hyderabad Central University, Jamia Millia Islamia and Jawaharlal Nehru University, where Dalit-Bahujan and Minority students rubbed shoulders for conducting beef festivals for gaining basic food rights in their respective campuses. The next issue we took up was the Ambedkar Cartoon controversy. This was soon followed by a critical discussion on Onam. The videos taken by DC in this regard played a vital role in examining the history of Onam from different DABM perspectives and forced several campuses across India to relook the way Onam was being celebrated and a hegemonically 'neutral' but violent Kerala identity was being constructed through that.

The platform of social media is extremely useful in this regard. Youtube allows one to upload any video one chooses (provided one has a camera and an internet connection. Platforms such as facebook and blogs, mailing lists related to similar concerns can then share the link on their pages and threads, whereby concerned individuals and groups can access the video. Since, there is minimal mediation and supervision, the content, no matter what, can be circulated widely and in very little time, across virtual and geographical boundaries. In contexts of forced migration, the narratives of forced migrants are hardly ever present. A case in point is Nonadanga, a displaced colony right next to Kolkata, where the conditions of living are abysmal, law and order situation deplorable. While interviewing the residents, Dalit Camera came across reports of gross misdemeanour by the police in the case of a domestic violence complaint filed by a Dalit woman against her husband. The subsequent suicide of the man led to protests in the area, which were termed “mob fury” by the mainstream media. Only through the interviews published uploaded by Dalit Camera could one truly understand the conditions of living, enabling various forms of violence and disabling the scope of protest. This is what one of the activists had to say:
After the setting up of the police camp here, there has been an increase in the number of arrack shops in the area. There were only two arrack shops before the camp was set up, but the number has risen to five now. Moreover, any organizational move made by us is squashed by the police. We do not want the police camp here.

Other incidents of caste atrocities, gender and communal atrocities also often face similar administrative and media apathy- more so when the atrocities are perpetrated by the organs of the state. At such a juncture, given the recent technological developments and the relative affordability/ availability of social media, Dalit Camera emerges as such a platform where marginalised people present their own stories, multiple points of views can speak to each other and different social movements and activists can communicate with one another.

Visit the following links for more details
http://roundtableindia.co.in/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=6999:suicide-of-uttam-mondal-and-arrest-of-shuma-mondal-the-dalit-protest-in nonadanga&catid=119&Itemid=132
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=p3BLyt6z4TM

Urban Profiling of Refugee Situations in Delhi. Refugees from Myanmar, Afghanistan and Somalia and their Indian Neighbours: A Comparative Study

Ishita Dey

In 2013, Joint IDP Profiling Service, the Feinstein International Centre (Tufts University) and UNHCRconducted a study on urban refugees in Delhi. The profiling study was based on a combination of methods and was limited to refugees that concern UNHCR – refugees from Myanmar, Afghan refugees ( Hindu Sikh Afghan refugees were excluded and Somalian refugees. The profiling work was carried out to identify specific areas that needed attention to design futures programmes and advocacy work- particularly to work towards self-reliance of the refugees. Hence, the study not only focussed on the refugee groups but their Indian neighbours as well.

The study focussed on five areas :
1)Demographic and household characteristics in terms of age, ethnicity, sex, ethnicity and household consumption
2)Migration patterns
3)Livelihood opportunities
4)Human and social capital including education and other skills required
5)Access to education among refugee children

The report highlighted that though Government of India has recently allowed UNHCR registered refugees to apply for long term visas which will allow them to seek employment in formal sector, the report brings to the forefront the harassment and discrimination faced by refugee children in Government schools. The report highlights that though access to government schools is not a problem the discrimination reported by Myanmarese and Somali children in these schools need special attention. There is a need to generate awareness campaigns in neighbourhoods with refugee population and to identify schools to improve the educational environment. The report feels that the intra-community networks and cultural exchanges between refugees and Indians is one of the ways to ensure cordial relationship with local communities. Refugees from Myanmar and Somalia reported harassment from all quarters (school, landlords and locals) in their neighbourhoods and the report feels such the ties between the local and refugee community should be strengthened. The profiling report could be a useful tool for institutions working on programmes regarding strengthening livelihoods and also calls for strengthening dialogue between the local population and refugee communities.

For detailed report:-
http://www.jips.org/system/cms/attachments/605/original_Urban_Profiling_of_Refugees_Situations_in_Delhi.pdf; Accessed on 10 January 2014

Voting Rights for Tibetans in India

Shuvro Prosun Sarker

According to some newspaper reports and UNHCR India’s news update, the children of Tibetan refugees who were born in India between 1950 to 1987 will now be able to vote. The decision of the Election Commission of India came after the verdict of a Karnataka High Court Judgment in August 2013.

The petitioner of the writ petition, Tenzin C. L. Rinpochae, was born in India on 1985 and got identity certificate from the concerned Indian authority as the child of a Tibetan refugee parents. He filed an application for Indian Passport to the Regional Passport Officer at Bangalore and the application was rejected on ground that he is not an Indian Citizen. On 19.02.2013 he received an official communication regarding the denial of Indian passport to him and that decision has been taken in consultation with the Foreigners Division, Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA), Government of India. The reason behind the denial of the passport per the MHA’s opinion was that the children of Tibetan refugees cannot be automatically treated as Indian citizens unless they are granted a certificate upon application under Section 9(2) of the Indian Citizenship Act, 1955. This denial resulted as the present writ petition before the High Court of Karnataka.

The counsel for the petitioner submitted before the court that children of Tibetans who were born in India between the period of 26.01.1950 to 01.07.1987 would automatically be Indian citizens as per the Section 3(1)a of the Indian Citizenship Act, 1955. Section 3 reads as follows:

“3. Citizenship by birth:
(1) Except as provided in sub- section (2), every person born in India,-
  (a) on or after the 26th day of January, 1950 , but before the commencement of the Citizenship (Amendment) Act, 1986 (51 of 1986 );
  (b) on or after such commencement and either of whose parents is a citizen of India at the time of his birth, shall be a citizen of India by birth.]
(2) A person shall not be such a citizen by virtue of this section if at the time of his birth-
  (a) his father possesses such immunity from suits and legal process as is accorded to an envoy of a foreign sovereign power accredited to the President of India and is not a citizen of India; or
  (b) his father is an enemy alien and the birth occurs in a place then under occupation by the enemy.”

The counsel for the petitioner also placed reliance of an identical matter decided by the Delhi High Court in re Namgyal Dolkar vs. Government of India, Ministry of External Affairs. While delivering the judgment, Hon’ble Justice Bopanna observed that:
“Having noticed that decision rendered by the High Court of New Delhi, I am of the opinion that if a similar circumstance arises, certainly the petitioner would be entitled to the benefit of the conclusion reached therein inasmuch as I see no reason whatsoever to take a different view from what has been stated by the Delhi High Court.”

These two judgments and the decision of the Election Commission of India can be seen as an attempt to reconcile the issue of citizenship demand of various refugee groups present in India. However, if identical matter has risen from the Chakmas of Arunachal Pradesh and in that case no one knows what would be the executive decision, given that judicial decision would be in favor of the Chakmas. There might be another reason behind this executive decision in favor of the Tibetans that the assimilation of the Tibetans with the Indian society with full citizenship rights in the near 25 years will diminish the Free Tibet movement and thus the Indo-China relationship will get a new blossom.

Forced Migration and Images of State Failure

Priyanca Mathur Velath and Aparajita Das

While the world is reeling under the increasing burden of the Syrian refugees, there is need to draw attention to the fact that regions outside Europe also continue to face uncertainty and the fear of displacement in a recurring manner, due to reasons like civil war, genocide, ethnic conflict, riots and forced eviction. In this issue of Refugee Watch Online, weattempt to highlight incidents of forced migration that trigger flows of refugees and internally displaced persons (IDPs) in West Asia, South Asia, South East Asia and within India.

One cannot ignore Syria, which has exploded into the biggest humanitarian crisis in recent times. More than 2.2 million Syrians have fled their homeland and have taken refuge in five neighbouring countries viz., Turkey, Lebanon, Egypt, Iraq and Jordan. So the first article by Aparajita Dastalks about the Syrian crisis which remains a continuing challenge for not just aid providers but also the international community on burden sharing.From Syria we move to Pakistan in South Asia, where Portia B. Conrad seeks to address the challenges of settlement and safety of thousands of people who have been displaced due to low intensity conflict caused by government crackdown on terror groups.Then, Ashwathy Vijayan, in her article on Sri Lankan Tamils revisits the myriad unresolved issues confronting those displaced in the civil war, which continues to attract sharply polarised reactions from across the globe.

Following this Kriti Chopra recounts the perilous journeys undertaken by the statelessRohingyasto resettle in countries such as Australia, and Thailand.Closer home in India in the state of Uttar Pradesh Umakantha V. draws attention to the incidents of communal riots in Muzzafarnagar which rendered the members of a minority community homeless and left them with an uncertain future without adequate state assistance in camps.Next Priyanca Mathur Velath deliberates on the outcomes of the sudden forced eviction in the Ejipura housing colony for the economically weaker sections of the society, in the IT hub of Bangalore.

We finally conclude with a note by Paula Banerjee on A Response from the Global South: On “Negotiations of Engaged Scholarship and Equity through a Global Network of Refugee Scholars”. We look forward to your valuable comments and feedback.

The Crisis in Regime and Refugee Exodus in Syria

Aparajita Das

The United States of America (USA) andEuropean Union (EU), among other countries, have agreed to grant asylum to a fixed number of Syrian refugees. (1) This is a commendable step towards burden sharing of refugees, by countries which do not share common boundaries with Syria. The flight of more than 2.2 million people from Syria is stands marked today as one of the worst humanitarian crisis. It is estimated that this count might touch 3 million by end of 2013. The Syrian refugees face an uncertain future and their consistent outflow is causing a severe strain on host countries. As the winter sets in, well-off countries should provide more material help and safe passage to their soils.

The Regime: The civil unrest began in March 2011 with hundreds of Syrians staging protests demanding the resignation of President Basher Al Assad. The street protests soon degenerated into an internecine armed conflict, with pro-Assad and anti-Assad activists using indiscriminate force, killing and committing other human rights violations, resulting in huge flow of refugees. More than 100, 000 Syrians have been killed so far. (2)

Syria, a Sunni majority nation, was ruled by Basher’s father Hafez al Assad, an Alawite (a Shia sect), since 1970. Basher came to occupy the office of the president following the death of Hafez in 2000. Initially, Basher, unlike his father, did introduce some political reforms but that did not last long. Political arrests resumed, social gathering, media and internet began to be monitored again. (3)

The Protests: Popular protests first began in Daraa and soon spread to other parts of the country. According to a UN Human Rights Council (UNHRC) report, the strife degenerated into an “overtly sectarian” conflict, with Sunni rebel groups fighting against the Assad government. The report adds that while minorities such as Alawites, Christians, Armenians, Druze support the government, often the Sunni opposition groups have attacked these minorities. (4)

The 28 month old internal conflict got messier day by day with both government and rebels getting assistance and diplomatic support from other countries and non-state actors. Assad is using the Syrian army, Shahiba, an unofficial pro-government militia group to crush the movement. Lebanon-based Shia militant group Hezbollah is fighting for Assad. (5, 6) The main anti - Assad group is the National Coalition for Opposition and Revolutionary Forces, a coalition of different opposition parties, including Muslim Brotherhood. (7) The al-Nusrah Front, an affiliate of al-Qaeda, is the main militant group against Assad. (8)

While Iran and Russia back Assad, the US, the EU and Arab League have been pressurising Assad to step down. (9) In August 2013 Assad had allegedly used chemical weapons against the opposition, killing more than 1000 people. There were similar allegations against the rebels. (10) The UN investigators, next month confirmed the use of Sarin gas against the rebels. Following which the UN Security Council passed a resolution asking the Syrian government to dismantle all chemical weapons and Assad agreed to abide by this resolution. (11) The government has used cluster bombs, scud missiles against opposition whereas rebels have staged suicide bombings against civilians and government officials.

The Refugees: Most refuges have taken shelter in neighbouring Egypt, Lebanon, Jordan, Iraq and Turkey. Majority of them are women and children. These refugees, until they return to Syria, would compete for every basic needs, like jobs, education with the host people. Lack of basic amenities might trigger riots, which has been reported from camps in Jordan. What is alarming is that since 2013, there has been a steep spike in refugee outflow. Majority of them depend on aid for their daily survival. The presence of such high number of displaced people is causing financial drain for host countries. People in crowded camps are also vulnerable to contagious diseases. Jordan’s Zaatari city has more than 100,000 Syrian refugees. Reports from these camps indicate incidents outbreak of polio and organised crime. (12)

Some of the refugee camps, according to Amnesty International, USA, are being used to recruit militants. Such a situation poses a risk to the host nation. Zaatari camps are being used by Nusrah Front to recruit soldiers. Even among refugees there is discrimination. For instance Jordan has refused the entry of the displaced Iraqi and Palestinian refugees, who were residing in Syria.Turkey, which is backing the rebels, is housing about 516, 383 refugees. But reports suggest that there are many unregistered refugees in Istanbul and other south-eastern cities. (13)

Recently some refugees from Turkey were caught while illegally attempting to cross over to Greece. They weredetained by security forces and deported back. Such forceful return is against international and EU laws. Since March 2011, more than 20,000 people have tried to enter Greece and about 8,000 were detained on their arrival. Uninhabitable conditions in camps are likely to encourage illegal migration to better-off countries like Greece, but they might not be welcome due to different factors such as economic slowdown as in case of Greece. (14)

While Egypt has opened its borders to Syrians, it has refused the entry of Syrian refugees of Palestinian origin to seek protection under the office of the UNHCR. There are about 300,000 Syrians in Egypt now. In the beginning no visa was required to enter Egypt but when President Mohammad Morsi was ousted, restrictions on entry was imposed. The Egyptian authorities were reacting to reports that refugees were participating in pro-Morsi rallies. There are also reports that the interim government had unlawfully detained and forcefully returning some refugees, which is again violation of principle of non-refoulement. (15, 16)

Lebanon is the smallest host country with about 800,000 registered and unregistered refugees. Hosting such large size of refugees is likely to cost Lebanon about $2.6 billion, according to a World Bank estimate. (17) Hosting such high number of refugees is unsustainable unless the international community provides financial aid and shares some burden. Iraq has witnessed consistent flow of refugees from northern Syria, where rebels are trying to establish their rule. There are about 202,040 Syrians in Iraq. (18)

IDPs: As the conflict enters its third year, there are about 6.5 million internally displaced people (IDP), waiting for safe homes and other humanitarian assistance. The UNHCR on August 2013 shipped relief material to camps in Damascus and Idlib. The UNHCR and other aid agencies might not be able to provide timely help due to security reasons, making the IDPs more vulnerable to disease and other security threats. (19)

Other than the UNHCR, WHO, Caritas Lebanon, People in Need, International Medical Corps, CARE Jordan, Arab Women Organization are some of the non-governmental organisations which have been providing aid to these refugees. Western countries and some of the well-off West Asian countries should step in to rescue of these helpless Syrians. Italy has already allowed more than 4,500 Syrians, Canada has agreed to take in 1,300 Syrians, and US 2,000. Germany and Sweden have offered similar help. (20)

The UN has appealed for US $2.9 billion for helping the refugees and another US$1.4 billion would be required for IDPs. In addition to this the Lebanese and Jordanian governments have appealed for US $ 449 million and US$ 380 million, respectively. (21)

Conclusion: The western, better-off West Asian countries should be more forthcoming in aiding refugees, and also grant them permanent residencies. At present the neighbouring countries are too strained or unstable to provide safety to these helpless Syrians.

The refugee crisis is unlikely to be resolved immediately as there are no signs of Assad stepping down. The opposition might require to fight for long and sustained campaign unless international community intervenes in a decisive way. Even opposition groups are faction ridden and do not have one voice. If Assad resigns, security situation is likely to remain fragile and might not be encouraging for refugees to return.

Notes

1.Nick Cumming-Bruce, “Countries Agree to Special Quotas for Syrian Refugees” The New York Times, 1 October 2013, URL: http://www.nytimes.com/2013/10/02/world/europe/special-quotas-for-syrian-refugees.html

2.UNHCR, “Discovering the Human Faces of a Tragedy” (accessed on 12 November 2013), URL: http://data.unhcr.org/syrianrefugees/syria.php

3.Syria’s Civil War: Key Facts, Important Players, CBC News, 31 October 2013, URL: http://www.cbc.ca/news2/interactives/syria-dashboard/

4.Joe Sterling, SaadAbedine and Salma Abdelaziz, “Syrian Fight Now ‘Overtly Sectarian’, UN Says” CNN, 20 December 2012, URL: http://edition.cnn.com/2012/12/20/world/meast/syria-civil-war/

5.Asher Berman, “Criminalization of the Syrian Conflict”, Institute of War, 16 May 2012,URL: http://www.understandingwar.org/article/criminalization-syrian-conflict

6.Hezbollah’s Elite Leading the Battle in Qusayr region of Syria, YaLiban, 22 April 2013,URL: http://www.yalibnan.com/2013/04/22/hezbollahs-elite-leading-the-battle-in-qusayr-region-of-syria/

7.Syrian Opposition Groups Reach Unity Deal, USA TODAY, 11 November 2012,URL: http://www.usatoday.com/story/news/world/2012/11/11/syrian-opposition-deal/1697693/

8.Bill Roggio, “Al Nusrah Front Claims 3 More in Suicide Attacks”, Long War Journal,27 November 2012,URL:http://www.longwarjournal.org/threat-matrix/archives/2012/11/al_nusrah_front_claims_3_more.php

9.Holly Yan, “Syria Allies: Why Russia, Iran and China are Standing by the Regime”, CNN, 30 August 2013,URL: http://edition.cnn.com/2013/08/29/world/meast/syria-iran-china-russia-supporters/

10.RajiniVaidyanathan, “Obama: US cannot Ignore Syria Chemical Weapons”, BBC News, 7 September 2013,URL: http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-us-canada-23999066

11.Syria Civil War Facts, CNN, 31 October 2013,URL: http://edition.cnn.com/2013/08/27/world/meast/syria-civil-war-fast-facts/

12.Ashish Kumar Sen, “Syrian War Refugees Find Crowds, Crime and Contagion at Camps”, The Washington Post, 5 November 2013,URL: http://www.washingtontimes.com/news/2013/nov/5/syrian-war-refugees-find-crowds-crime-contagion-at/?page=1

13.Stephen Sarr, “Greek Border Police Illegally Deporting Syrian Refugees”, The Irish Times, 12 November 2013, URL: http://www.irishtimes.com/news/world/europe/greek-border-police-illegally-deporting-syrian-refugees-1.1591361?page=2

14.BehzadYaghmaian, “Syrian Refugees: A Need for Global Burden Sharing”, The Globalist, 31 October 2013,URL: http://www.theglobalist.com/syrian-refugees-need-global-burden-sharing/

15.Mariam Rizk, “HRW report: Egypt detains Syrian refugees and coerces them out of the country”, Ahram Online, Monday 11 Nov 2013, URL: http://english.ahram.org.eg/NewsContent/1/64/86159/Egypt/Politics-/HRW-report-Egypt-detains-Syrian-refugees-and-coerc.aspx

16.1500 Syrian Refugees detained in Egypt, IOL News, 11 November 2013,URL: http://www.iol.co.za/news/africa/1-500-syrian-refugees-detained-in-egypt-1.1605477#.UoHESvlgdX8

17.Dominic Evans, “World Must Help Lebanon Handle Syrian Refugee Flood,” Reuters, 3 November 2013
URL: http://www.reuters.com/article/2013/11/03/us-syria-crisis-lebanon-idUSBRE9A205K20131103

18.UNHCR, “Discovering the Human Faces of a Tragedy” (accessed on 12 November 2013), URL: http://data.unhcr.org/syrianrefugees/syria.php

19.Peter Kessler, “UNHCR’s Largest Shipment of Supplies for Syrian IDPs Leaves from Dubai,” UNHCR News,15 August 2013,URL: http://www.unhcr.org/520ce47b9.html

20.Daniel Pipes, “Syria’s Refugee Problem and the West,” National Review Online, 25 September 2013,
URL: http://www.nationalreview.com/article/359411/syrias-refugee-problem-and-west-daniel-pipes

21.UNHCR, “Discovering the Human Faces of a Tragedy” (accessed on 12 November 2013),URL: http://data.unhcr.org/syrianrefugees/syria.php

Conflict and Internal Displacement: A Case Study of North West Frontier Province (NWFP) and Balochistan in Pakistan

Portia B.Conrad

For Pakistan, the task of settling its internally displaced people (IDPs) has beyond doubt been a mammoth challenge. Since a majority of its population live below the poverty line, there has been a slow recovery. But militant activities have only worsened the situation. The unexpected terrorist attacks, shelling through tanks and aircraft bombings have destroyed the houses in the area leaving residents with no other choice than to migrate. (i)

On March 2013, ten civilians and one aid worker were killed and several others were injured when a bomb exploded at the Jalozai camp for IDPs, inNowsherae district of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa(KP), formerly a portion of theNorth West Frontier Province (NWFP), in Pakistan. This attack highlights that IDPs were unsafe even in the temporary shelters provided for them. (ii)

Besides, significant militant activity in the southern districts of KP and coordinated assaults on the Political Agent office in Peshawar district indicated that the security situation had deteriorated in KP. In Tirah Valley of Khyber agency, clashes continued between two opposing militant groups throughout the first half of this year. The Balochistan province, at the same time, remained equally volatile with the violent sectarian attacks against minority Shia Hazara community. (iii)

Such incidents of terror have impacted the people living there. The latest wave of displacement has seen over 130,000 people leave their homes in Pakistan’s northwestern Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) since March because of fighting between government soldiers and militants allied to the Taliban in the Khyber and Kurram agencies.(iv) The terror incidents were more frequent in the NWFP which is geopolitically divided into KP and FATA for administrative reasons. Militant activities have been reported from the provinces of Punjab and Sindh as well, but there were no reports of such mass displacement of locals. They were safer with more facilities around them. Why does this happen? There can be a few answers -

•When Pakistan was born its national leadership had tried to create its national identity based on common religion and reinforced state authority with excessive centralization of powers. They were not sure about the unity of divided people in a newly emerging state. Pakistan was created in the name of Islam but the idea of separate Muslim nationality was not much popular in many areas and more over many of its prudent leaders did not belong to these areas which were parts of Pakistan. Therefore the communication gap between the leadership and masses was wide and still remains the same. It has extended if not reduced. In these situations, regional leaders created a sense of mistrust, disharmony and disunity and ethno nationalist leaders took the charge of movements which were started for democracy and secularization of polity. (v)

•After the US troops withdraws from Afghanistan, FATA could be more vulnerable as the Afghan militants have set up bases there. Supporters of the Afghan Taliban in the tribal areas transitioned into a mainstream Taliban force of their own as a reaction to the Pakistani army's incursion into the tribal areas. The Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) not only has representation from all of FATA's seven agencies but also from several settled districts of the NWFP.Pakistan's security forces are struggling to confront these domestic militants.(vi) The perceived marginalization by these regions in comparison to the mainstream is an important cause that has led to such a situation.

Terrorism has also had an impact on the economy of the state that has deepened the instability. Terrorism disturbs the inhabitants, damages infrastructure, causes a decline in economic well-being, brings political instability and breaks the social fabric of the society.More than 3 million people were displaced which resulted in a budgetary outlay of US $ 600 million in the fiscal year 2009 alone for relief and rehabilitation process of the IDPs. (vii)

The huge numbers of IDPs has created a humanitarian crisis. Between 80 and 90 percent of the IDPs do not have safe shelter. If the international community responds to their needs, these IDPs could present a potentially powerful constituency of civil opposition to extremism.The humanitarian crisis in FATA has received significantly less attention than displacement from KP’s Malakand region. Many have been unable to register or receive assistance due to the military’s tight control over access to humanitarian agencies in KP’s IDP hosting areas and continued security threats. In parts of FATA, most notably Bajaur agency, families have been forced to flee repeatedly because of militant resurgence. (viii)They had been displaced as a consequence of the conflict between non-state armed groups and government security operations in March this year, when over 17,000 families were forced to flee.

Thus it is imperative to consider the implications of increasing displacement of people internally within Pakistan.Displacement caused by ethnic and sectarian violence, as part of terrorism, in central FATA indicates that forced family groups are to move within the region to areas controlled by their own tribe or religious denomination. Over a period of time, communal polarization has forced whole communities to move, creating (semi) permanent segregated communities. The displacement of Shia communities from Lower to Upper Kurram and Sunni communities from Upper to Lower Kurram is an example of this.

Pakistan has been swinging between military rule and democracy, where the latter is weaker. The IDPs demand basic amenities to survive. They should not be an add-on factor to the existing instability in the state. If military objectives dictate rehabilitation and reconstruction efforts, a population exhausted by conflict could become a soft target for militants, making stability in the northwest even more elusive.

It is crucial to particularly analyse how the state has responded to this development. The Pakistani government has no national policy on addressing conflict-induced displacement and there have been no reports of any systematic government assistance to these types of IDPs in the country, the majority of whom are displaced as a result of combat between the army and insurgent forces. Initiatives by provincial governments to aid the displaced have had varying degrees of success. In Islamabad, despite expressing keenness to reconcile with warring Baloch factions, the newly elected PML-N government has shown little interest in ensuring safe return of around 200,000 IDPs from DeraBugti to their respective areas. This led to almost a two-month long protest against the government. (ix)

Besides, in 2007-08, when militancy increased and terrorists started getting control of settled districts of Pakistan like Swat, the Pakistan army conducted successful military operations against the terrorists. For security and civil relief operations up to US $ 4 billion (2.4 percent of average GDP) additional expenditures were incurred on the annual budget. It is also interesting to note that in 2013,over 2,362 internally displaced families (8,826 individuals) from the BaghMaidan area of Tirah Valley, Khyber Agency in FATA have received assistance to return home, according to FATA Disaster Management Authorities. Since January, 14,620 families have returned to Bajaur, Khyber, Kurram, Mohmand and South Waziristan agencies; authorities wish to repatriate 97,600 families (585,600 individuals) before the end of the year.(x)
Recommendations

First, the Pakistan government should allocate more funds to help the IDPs.

Second, it could also devise a rehabilitation and reconstruction policy in FATA and KP based on broad consultation with representatives of conflict and disaster-affected communities, credible local NGOs and professional organisations, and the national and provincial parliaments.

Third, ensure that registration and assistance for FATA’s IDPs is civilian-led and based on vulnerability rather than location. All restrictions must be removed, including No Objection Certificates, for humanitarian agencies, as well as all requirements for such agencies to share confidential data on beneficiaries with the military.

Lastly, the state should incorporate FATA into the constitutional, political and legal mainstream.

Notes

i) Mohsin, ZakiaRubab, “The Crisis of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) in the Federally Administered Tribal Areas of Pakistan and their Impact on Pashtun Women”
URL: http://frc.com.pk/wp-content/uploads/2013/07/6.pdf

ii) OHCHR, “UN expert calls for better protection for internally displaced people camps after brutal car bomb attack in Pakistan” (Online: Web) Accessed on: 29 October 2013
URL:http://www.ohchr.org/EN/NewsEvents/Pages/DisplayNews.aspx?NewsID=13189&LangID=E

iii) NRC Fact Sheet, “NRC's Country Programme in Pakistan” Accessed on: 27 October 2013
URL: http://www.nrc.no/?did=9178477

iv) One World South Asia, “Pakistan's IDPs find it can get worse” (Online: Web) Accessed on: 21 November 2013
URL: http://southasia.oneworld.net/resources/pakistans-idps-find-it-can-get-worse#.Uo3QrNKnogF

v) Aziz, K. K. (2001), Pakistan’s Political Culture: Essays in Historical and Social Origins, Vanguard Books Pvt. Ltd.

vi) Bajoria, Jayshree and Masters, Jonathan, “Pakistan's New Generation of Terrorists”
URL: http://www.cfr.org/pakistan/pakistans-new-generation-terrorists/p15422

vii) TariqMehmood, “Economic effects of war on terror” The Frontier Post, FATA, 3 August 2013
URL: http://www.thefrontierpost.com/article/31286/

viii) Asia Briefing, “Pakistan: The Worsening IDP Crisis” (Online: Web) Accessed on: 28 October 2013
URL: http://www.crisisgroup.org/en/regions/asia/south-asia/pakistan/B111-pakistan-the-worsening-idp-crisis.aspx

ix) WaseemAbbasi, “200,000 Baloch people still displaced; little done so far” The News International, Islamabad, 28 June 2013
URL: http://www.thenews.com.pk/Todays-News-2-186516-200,000-Baloch-people-still-displaced;-little-done-so-far

x) Reliefweb, “Return of thousands of IDPs continues in Pakistan’s volatile north-west” (Online: Web) Accessed on: 29 October 2013
URL: http://reliefweb.int/report/pakistan/return-thousands-idps-continues-pakistan%E2%80%99s-volatile-north-west

Post-Conflict Plight of Displaced Sri Lankan Tamils

Ashwathy Vijayan

Ever since the armed conflict ended in 2009, the condition of Tamil minorities in Sri Lanka has changed dramatically. It has been a journey from worse to worst. The ‘victory’ claimed by the Sri Lankan government over Tamil Tigers has broadened the role of the Sri Lankan military. This has resulted in a major shift in the country’s governance, to a stance that ostensibly favors the military. The exact impact and aftermath of the war can be seen in the larger picture emerging that shows rising human rights abuses against the civilian population, extrajudicial killings, disappearances, rape, sexual harassment and many other violations. On top of all these stands the issue of displacement, predominantly of the Tamils.

Displacement and forced migration in Sri Lanka traces its association back to two decades of civil war and ethnic conflicts. The worsening relations between Sri Lanka's two main ethnic groups, the Sinhalese and Tamils, had led to some migration in the beginning of the1950s. Later, the onset of civil war in 1983 saw a massive increase in displacement, especially amongst Sri Lanka's Tamils. Since then, conflict-induced displacement has continuously displaced people internally within Sri Lanka, across borders to neighboring India, and further to other parts of the world. Since a large part of the conflict has taken place in the North-East regions of Sri Lanka, it is not surprising that almost all of those who have been displaced belong to this particular region.

According to a study on Sri Lanka by DhananjayanSriskandarajah,‘Though it is impossible to estimate the exact impact of the war,extensive fighting, including conventional combat involving large battalions and heavy munitions, has destroyed much of the North-East region's physical infrastructure.’He observes that the key economic infrastructure such as irrigation systems have also been destroyed or neglected, and critical markets for goods and services have been absent or severely disrupted. Low levels of investment both public and private, in war-affected areas, severe disruption to education, and considerable damage to ecosystems came as a result of this state. Thus the destruction caused by these conflicts also meant that those fleeing from war were often fleeing from severe disruption of their livelihoods.

As many fled their erstwhile homes, those who remained were left with reduced economic and social opportunities. Often there was not enough critical mass to keep local economies alive, forcing even more people to leave. Besides, the economic breakdown in the north-east left many with only two options i.e. either to fight or flight. There was also supporting evidence that suggested that those fleeing from shelling and search operations of the state armed forces were roughly equal to those fleeing shortage of food and other essential items. Thus the causes of displacement in Sri Lanka continue to be all encompassing and increasingly more challenging.Innocent victims of forced migration are finding it hard to meet the ends. For years many villages in the north eastern regions are seen largely empty. Some families who go back are welcomed by eviction notices on their doors.

Among those who try to return, there have been complications in recognising returnees’ land deeds. While some don’t have land deeds but have voter registrations, others have deeds but already someone else have occupied their lands.Another issue that has arisen is with regard to the military occupation of lands. This is despite the fact that recently a note was sent by military spokesperson to journalists stating that any land that is not required to safeguard national security interests will not be held by the military.Resettlement in that zone, by thosedisplaced during the armed conflict and throughGovernment-sponsored relocation of Sinhalese workersand households has raised tensions between various communities.

Tensions have also arisen as a result of disputes over land and resources and also due to differingsocial and cultural normsthat were ignored during resettlement. An increasing prevalence ofsexual exploitation and relationships coerced or otherwise,has put women on the frontline as victims of these conflicts.Observing the present situation it would not be wrong to say the state and military policies are actively contributing to insecurity and the marginalization of women particularly. The issue of resettlement is also bringing with it the concern of shortfall in resources. Today what we can hear are the whispers of the homeless not only for their home but also for truth, justice and accountability for themselves.

The recent debates on Sri Lankan asylum seekers in Australia has led to the questioning of why Sri Lankan refugees continue to make their dangerous journey to Australia when the conflict has at last come to an end.It is only ironical that even after the end of this twenty-six year old conflict that caused so many people to leave their homes, people are still leaving their homes. The answer to this can be found in the uncertainty on the peaceful coexistence of all parties which came along the promise of a new era with the end of violence. Families and communities were divided and there still remains this legacy of suspicion trauma and resentment. Though we can see impressive outcomes with respect to the economic growth, rebuilding of roads, houses and public buildings and standards of health and education when it comes to rebuilding the shattered infrastructure of north, the efforts have proven to be unsuccessful. The end of the historic civil war has left Sri Lankan government as winner perhaps on the battlefield, but one that was acquired at the cost of losing peace forever.

References

Ariyaratne, Rupasingha (2003) “Sri Lanka: On the Edge of Ending Internal Displacement?” Forced Migration Review, Vol. 17, Feb URL:http://www.fmreview.org/FMRpdfs/FMR17/fmr17.14.pdf

Arulanantham, A.T. (2000) “Restructured Safe Havens: A Proposal for Reform of the Refugee Protection System”, Human Rights Quarterly, 22(1), pp. 1-56, May URL:http://faculty.oxy.edu/garcetti/ir499/ahilan.htm

Bertrand, Didier (2000) “Going Back, But Where? Forced Repatriation of Tamil Asylum Seekers from Europe”, Refugee Watch, Vol. 12, April URL: http://www.safhr.org/medias/pdf/rw12/didier.pdf

Brun, Cathrine and Nicholas Van Hear (2012) “Between the Local and the Diasporic: The Shifting Centre of Gravity in war-torn Sri Lanka's Transnational Politics”, Contemporary South Asia, 20 (1)
URL:http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/09584935.2011.646070#.UpcVxcRQEes

Brun, Cathrine and Ragnhild Lund (2008) “Making a Home during Crisis: Post-tsunami Recovery in a Context of War, Sri Lanka”, Singapore Journal of Tropical Geography, 29 (3)
URL:http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.14679493.2008.00334.x/abstract?deniedAccessCustomisedMessage=&userIsAuthenticated=false

Brun, Cathrine (2010) “Hospitality: Becoming “IDPs” and “Hosts” in Protracted Displacement”, Journal of Refugee Studie, 23(3) URL: http://jrs.oxfordjournals.org/content/23/3/337.short

------------------ (2008) “Birds of Freedom: Young People, the LTTE, and Representations of Gender, Nationalism, and Governance in Northern Sri Lanka”, Critical Asian studies, 40 (3)
URL:http://criticalasianstudies.org/issues/vol40/no3/birds-of-freedom.html

------------------ (2003) “Local Citizens or Internally Displaced Persons? Dilemmas of Long Term Displacement in Sri Lanka”, Journal of Refugee Studies, 16 (4) URL:http://jrs.oxfordjournals.org/content/16/4/376.abstract

Peter Chalk, “Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam’s (LTTE) InternationalOrganisation and Operations – A Preliminary Analysis”, Canadian Security and Intelligence Service, Commentary No 77: 1999
URL: http://www.csis-scrs.gc.ca/pblctns/cmmntr/cm77-eng.asp, accessed on 1 Nov 2013.

Centre for Policy Alternatives, Land and Property Rights of IDPs, February 2003 URL:
http://www.cpalanka.org/research_papers/Land_and_Property_Rights_of_IDPs.pdf

Conciliation Resources (eds.), 'Demanding Sacrifice: War and Negotiation in Sri Lanka', Accord, Vol. 4, August 1998 URL:http://www.c-r.org/accord/sri/accord4/index.shtml

Doherty, Ben “Hard Line Asylum Stance Won’t Stop Them Leaving, but It May Stop
Them Arriving”, Sydney Morning Herald, 2013 July 20, URL:http://www.smh.com.au/world/hard-line-asylum-stance-wont-stop-them-leaving-but-may-stop-them-arriving-20130720-2qawo.html (accessed on 1 Nov 2013).

Howie, Emily “Sri Lankan Boat Migration to Australia Motivations and Dilemmas”, Economic & Political Weekly, Vol xlviII no 35, 2013 August 31
URL:http://www.epw.in/system/files/pdf/2013_48/35/Sri_Lankan_Boat_Migration_to_Australia.pdf

Hyndman, Jennifer “Aid, Conflict and Migration: The Canada-Sri Lanka Connection”, The Canadian Geographer, Vol.47, no.3, pp.25168, 2003
URL:http://www.blackwellsynergy.com/rd.asp?goto=pdf&code=CAG&vol=47&page=251

Sriskandarajah, Dhananjayan(2003) “The Returns of Peace in Sri Lanka: The development cart before the conflict resolution horse”, Colombo: International Centre for Ethnic Studies URL:http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/15423166.2003.967034101984#.UpcawsRQEes

The Helplessness of the Rohingyas – No Place to Call Home

Kriti Chopra

The word ‘Refugee’ itself creates a negative impact in our minds when we think of it. This is not because of the character or nature of the word, but because of the various negative connotations attached to this word. The word ‘Rohingya’ immediately denotes a group of people who have been at the receiving end of continuing human rights abuses for years.

The Rohingyas have been subject to all sorts of maltreatment, partly because it is assumed that no international law is breached if a criminal act is committed against a stateless person. The mistreatment, as confirmed in various United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) reports as well as by the Rohingyas themselves, includes forced labour, restriction on freedom of movement, extortion, the absence of residence rights, inequitable marriage regulations, land confiscation and limited access to secondary and tertiary education and other public services. Rohingyas, in fact, have become one of the world’s most persecuted minorities.

The, origins of the Rohingyas, according to a 2011 UNHCR report, lie in people who have immigrated or passed through Myanmar (Burma) from the seventh century onwards, like the Arabs, Moors, Turks, Persians, Moguls, Pathans and the local Bengalis and Rakhine and this is a bone of contention constantly between both the Rohingyas’ advocates and political adversaries. The former group tends to assert the immemorial link that the Rohingyas have with Burma, while the latter dismisses any such claims and see them as Bengali Muslims from the Burmese British era. But the somewhat obscure arguments on the community’s origins does little to either shed little light on why it continues to remain stateless and without rights or ameliorate their condition.

Though the paths leading to statelessness are intricate, the ways out of it are clear from numerous human rights treaties and conventions. Article 15 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights gives everyone “the right to a nationality”, which is reiterated in the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (India acceded to the Convention in 1979). Along the same lines, but more specifically, the issue of statelessness is addressed in the 1961 UN Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness, according to which primarily state parties must take pre-emptive measures in situations in which persons may be rendered stateless, and those born on their territory should be given access to means of obtaining citizenship based on the jus soli principle.

Countries such as Canada, United States, and Sweden have resettled a large number of people from the Rohingya camps in Thailand and India. But a final solution to the problem cannot be found unless there is a coherent political settlement inside Myanmar, between the government and opposition, and the country’s many ethnic minorities. On the other hand, it is unrealistic to expect a solution to any of these problems within the foreseeable future. Myanmar’s refugee problem is here to stay and unfortunately its opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi is not making any emphatic statements to address the problem.

Myanmar, a predominantly Buddhist nation of 60 million, has been gripped by sectarian violence for the last 18 months, leaving more than 240 people dead and causing 250,000 to flee from their homes. Most of the victims have been Rohingya, a long persecuted Muslim minority in the country, who have had Buddhist mobs chasing them down with machetes, iron chains and bamboo clubs. The unfortunate incidents of the 2012 Rakhine riots portray the kind of discrimination which is faced by the Rohingyas refugees. The military and police have been accused of playing a leading role in targeting Rohingyas through mass arrests and arbitrary violence. While the government response was praised by the United States and European Union, Amnesty International and other human rights groups were critical, stating that the Rohingya were fleeing arbitrary arrests by the Myanmarese government, and that the Rohingyas had faced systemic discrimination by the government for decades.

Majority of Rohingya refugees have remained in Bangladesh, unable to return because of the hostility of the Myanmar military-backed government. However the Rohingyas continue to face problems in here as well as there as they neither receive much support nor protection from the government of thehost countries. Instead they lead a harsh life in refugee camps, suffering from malnourishment, isolation, illiteracy and neglect. There is just one registered camp situated meters away from the unregistered camp where 90,000 refugees live. There is also another camp 15 miles away in Leda Bazaar, where approximately 25,000 Rohingya live.

As a result, thousands of Rohingyas have been undertaking hazardous boat journeys to Southeast Asia and Australia. The exodus usually kicks off in November, when seas begin to calm following the annual monsoon. Very recently a boat carrying at least 70 Muslim Rohingya capsized and sank off on the western coast of Myanmar. In fact, in the last week of November, 2013, Suu Kyi, was in Australia to encourage global interest in furthering democratic reform in Myanmar. Innumerable Rohingyas have also fled to Thailand. There are roughly 111,000 refugees housed in nine camps along the Thai-Myanmar border. But they have an uncertain fate there too as there have been charges that groups of them have been shipped and towed out to open sea from Thailand, and left there.

It is becoming increasing imperative today to increase the resettlement quotas of Rohingya refugees in countries like the US, Canada, Ireland and New Zealand. This resettlement must also provide extra support to local villagers living in the area surrounding the camps so that refugees are not perceived as a ‘burden’ on the local economy and society. It would not be incorrect to say that the helpless state of the Rohingyas refugees leaves them with no other option but to wander about everywhere and try to create a new home for themselves. Refugees are humans too; they should be given an opportunity to live their lives the way they want to and with respect. It is Burma's duty to accept the Rohingya as citizens, embrace their history and ensure the safe repatriation of each and every single member of the community back into Arakan. Although safer than being persecuted and killed in Burma, the Rohingya community in Bangladesh are a stateless community who want to return to Arakan when it is safe to call it home.

References

http://www.tehelka.com/when-theres-no-place-called-home/
http://www.arabnews.com/news/472146
http://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/burmas-rohingya-need-protection-from-persecution/2013/11/01/ff0acb28-424e-11e3-a624-41d661b0bb78_story.html?tid=hpModule_6c539b02-b270-11e2-bbf2-a6f9e9d79e19
http://news.yahoo.com/boat-carrying-70-muslim-rohingya-sinks-off-myanmar-091111993.html
http://www.trust.org/item/20131101113359-hjam4/
http://archive.thedailystar.net/newDesign/news-details.php?nid=245363

Riots and Displacement: Voices from the Camps of the Muzzafarnagar

Umakantha V

Muzaffarnagar, in the state of Uttar Pradesh, also known as the sugar cane capital of India, comprising of 18.5 percent of Muslims and a sizeable Jat population, catapulted into a place of communal riots recently that left hundreds displaced from their homes. The tensions snowballed from an incident of eve teasing, led to clashes between the two communities that ended up killing around 50 people and leaving many injured. The most shocking outcome was that in no time 50,000 people, mostly from the Muslim community, were forced to flee their homes.

Continuous media coverage revealed displaced families seeking refuge in madrasas and relief camps just a few hundred kilometers away from the national capital city of Delhi. The living conditions in these places of refuge kept worsening due to the acute scarcity of basic requirements. Many of the madrasas were hit by infectious diseases which increased the susceptibility of the causalities. For e.g., the Zeenat-Ul Islamia Madrasa near Ghaziabad where around 6000 people had sought refuge had glaring absence of basic amenities for women and children. There were around 13 newborns reported, who were at the verge of catching these infectious diseases. There was no assurance of medical care by the authorities. Doctors were raising the alarm that if immediate remedial steps were not undertaken on a war footing by the concerned authorities and relief agencies the situation could become worse.

Most of these relief camps had very scant provisions for sanitation forcing those displaced to travel to neighboring villages just to bathe. With limited toilets in these camps many had to resort to open defecation. Only recently hand pumps were installed in these camps that provided those living there to get access to water as before this they mostly relied on water tankers. Besides, relief camps were also failing to get essential supplies as was particularly witnessed in the Malakapur relief camp set up in the Shamli district. The people living in these camps were worried and knew that their vulnerability would increase as winter approached.

Official governmental relief was reportedly inadequate. In places like Shahpur, even the tents were in shortage and were instead being provided by the Jamaat. Parents were unable to enroll their children into madarasas because documents required for regular schools had gotten lost. Security became another critical issue of concern, when a 19 year old staying in one of those relief camps was allegedly raped by two men. Thus the urgent need for the state government is to find durable solutions for people with no other choice but to be resettled at these camps.

Amidst all this the politics with numbers continues. While the district administration denied reports of any deaths in relief camps, the reports of the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) led by Justice Cyriac Joseph stated they were seven deaths. Besides around eight babies had reportedly died in Malakapur camp and the NHRC blamed the Chief Medical Officer (CMO) for its “highly irresponsible behavior” who were initially denying any deaths. On another poignant note it may also be added, the organizers of Joula camp had said that, of the 30 deliveries in the camp, three babies had died. The NHRC team also submitted the report to state administration for the immediate up gradation of these medical camps, as the basic conditions of most these camps were appalling.

Within no span of time this issue has been made into a political one by political parties, each seeking to maximize its own political expediency. Rather than sorting the problem they have started riding on it; each blaming on other for allegedly fanning communal hatred and engineering riots. What is most unfortunate is that none of the leaders have stressed upon the need for communal harmony and peace. Nobody detailed the action that should be taken by the government to restore normalcy in this riot-hit district and to ensure the return of more than 50,000 internally displaced persons (IDPs) languishing in relief camps.

Riot victims, who are demanding punishment for culprits, homeless, who are asking for commensurate compensation for the lands and the homes that they have lost, family members of the dead, who need jobs, are still awaiting assurance of adequate relief from the government. Unfortunately it appears as though the politics of Uttar Pradesh has become divisive and has wrecked the administration. The police and administration have also, allegedly, shown compliance with the rioters. This is evident also in the fact that the police have repeatedly failed to either make any major arrest on riots or to do much to stop what happened. People who were forced to abandon their villagers are in the mode of denial that they ever want to return in spite government promising safety as well as financial help. People are accusing the district administration of having pressurized them to sign affidavits which state that they have to leave the relief camp and return to their villages after availing financial assistance. So there are reports of forced return. There are also reports that people are skeptical about forgoing their claims over their properties that will be either be allegedly taken over those who force them to flee or be confiscated. These kind of claims reflect the deep sense of suspicion that has developed among the people who have unfortunately seeing the government as a polarizing agent prior to elections.

Nonetheless, distant from all of this, it cannot be denied that some victims have quietly started to rebuild their lives. Attempts are being made to restore children’s education. New homes are coming up on the land donated by the local community. But when it comes to expectations from the government or the administration, a fear psychosis has unfortunately developed. The biggest challenge that confronts the administration is filling up the trust deficit between the two communities. While the urban areas have shown some sign of improvement, the communities in rural areas still see each other with an eye of suspicion and this is where the administration will have to concentrate to try and restore normalcy.

References

“Conditions at relief camps appalling: NHRC” Accessed October 30 URL :http://www.indianexpress.com/news/conditions-at-relief-camps-appalling-nhrc/1185589/
“Government asking us not to return: Muzffarnagar riots” Accessed November 11 URL :http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/Government-asking-us-not-to-return-home-Muzaffarnagar-riot-hit/articleshow/25520562.cms
“Muzaffarnagar Riots: Uma Bharti warns of more tension if BJP leaders are arrested” Accessed September 26,2013 URL :
http://www.ndtv.com/article/india/muzaffarnagar-riots-uma-bharti-warns-of-more-tension-if-bjp-leaders-are-arrested-420477
“Muzaffarnagar riots: 13 babies born at refugee camp, but no medical help for them” Accessed September 28 URL : http://ibnlive.in.com/news/muzaffarnagar-riots-13-babies-born-at-refugee-camp-but-no-medical-help-for-them/423039-3-242.html?utm_source=ref_article
“MuzaffanagarViolence : A Detailed Report of Citizen” (online web) Accessed September 28, 2013 URL : http://www.indiaresists.com/muzaffarnagar-violence-a-detailed-report-by-eminent-citizens
“Muzaffarnagar: Women Living at relief camp alleges rape by two men” Accessed November 11 URL :http://www.ndtv.com/article/india/muzaffarnagar-woman-living-at-relief-camp-alleges-rape-by-two-men-41134
“Their homes lost, riot-hit victims unite to rebuild lives on their own” Accessed October 30 URL:
“Muzaffarnagar violence” Accessed October 30 URL :http://www.indianexpress.com/news/muzaffarnagar-violence/1168962/

Forced Eviction and the Right to Housing: A Study of Ejipura in Bangalore

Priyanca Mathur Velath

It is usually assumed that internal displacement occurs either during conflict, communal tension, natural disaster, environmental change or due to a developmental project. But within the peaceful daily humdrum of city life there are also groups of vulnerable people who are forcibly evicted and rendered homeless overnight. The residents of the Ejipura housing colony, for the economically weaker sections, in Bengaluru city of the Karnataka state in India, in January 2013, underwent precisely that when they were forcibly evicted to make way for a mall and a residential complex.

Living homeless, bearing the vagaries of nature, the erstwhile residents of Ejipura are battling survival. It was recently reported that nearly 40 families were living under tarpaulin sheets on the footpath along the land that once had their houses. The people displaced from Ejipura alleged that “out of the blue” the Bruhat Bangalore MahanagaraPalike (BBMP), the municipal body, had decided to give their lands to a builder, Maverick Holdings. This transfer was unjust as it was without the consent of the residents. Thus the homeless are gathering together to bring out a state-level protest against such ‘land grab’, to increase awareness amongst slum-dwellers on the right to dignified housing, and to demand legal protection for example through the re-enactment of the repealed Urban Land Ceiling Act.

Being evicted from their homes and forced to live under plastic sheets and in tents, some Ejipura residents, like two elderly women and a newborn baby, have even lost their lives. As a newspaper reported, “Neelamma (60), who was running high temperature for over a week, died in her plastic tent that overlooks the site where the construction of the mall is apace. ‘The tent got flooded every time it rained. We could take it because we were younger, but Amma was too old,’ said Neelamma’s son Kumar”. (i) It is only ironical that some of the older women who were amongst those evicted were sleeping on the pavements right in front of a police station, in the hope that their children, especially older girls, could get some protection. However, while official state assistance has been wanting, concerned citizens, like some people studying at the prestigious Indian Institute of Management (IIM) in Bangalore, have reportedly tried to help these victims in their individual capacity.

There have been public interest litigations (PILs) filed. The Karnataka High Court has asked the BBMP to file a detailed affidavit providing information about construction of a new apartment complex for persons from economically weaker sections (EWS) at Ejipura. There have been allegations of corruption thrown at the BBMP, that it is unethically assisting private builders gain more land through such demolitions. But citizen’s anger towards this alleged nexus has been growing and more than 10,000 signatures had been collected to protest and draw attention to the plight of the Ejipura displaced. "The process of displacement that is done through slum evictions and forced rehabilitation in the outskirts is an enactment of the segregation along caste lines that has been historically practised and continues in the name of 'development'”, said one such protestor emphatically at a solidarity protest meeting held in the city. (ii)

At a public consultation organised in the city on November 7, 2013, in the backdrop of this EWS quarters demolition in Ejipura, activists, citizens and social movement leaders deliberated on the urgent need to address the right to land of the state’s urban poor. Issac Arul Selva, member of the Forum Against EWS Land Grab, reiterated that the state government should cancel its agreement with the private party by withdrawing the government’s decision, and build temporary shelters on the same land for the displaced persons to restore their right to a home and land that had been snatched away from them. “We are asking the state government to transfer land rights to the urban poor who have been living on the land. The government has already surveyed all the government land in all 21 cities in the state and have data on the people living there. If the state cabinet decides to give land rights to these people, more than 60% of the slum problem will be solved,” he said. (iii)

Ejipura, is an ironic symbol of the failure of the state’s attempt to make the displaced stakeholders in the development process. In exchange for half of the land (on which they were to build the mall), Maverick Holdings was to construct multi-storied flats for the 1,512 Ejipura residents on the remaining half of land (on the public-private partnership model). All hitherto established norms of participation and information were violated as no written notice was given to the residents before demolition. Instead there was use of force and violence, along with arbitrary arrests and illegal detention. The homeless had to endure loss and destruction of personal possessions and property. They had to further endure lack of official relief and rehabilitation. Only civil society organisations and volunteers had raised money for food and medical supplies for them.

There were also allegations of differential treatment meted out to allottees and tenants. Although an alternative accommodation site was provided at Sulekunte village near Sarjapur, about 18 km from the original site. For those displaced from Ejipura a daily commute for work was not easy from Sarjapur. On the footpaths of Ejipura, the displaced people have limited access to clean drinking water, sanitation and other basic amenities, and there is constant fear of theft and violence.

It is a picture of complete violation of human rights; of the right to health, as the Ejipura evictees became susceptible to cough, cold, malaria, respiratory ailments plus trauma of eviction, and other psycho-social ailments; of the right to adequate housing; of the right to work and livelihood, particularly women who were unable to leave their children and belongings and get back to work; of the right to education, as nearly all the displaced children of Ejipura could not get back to school.(iv)

At the official level, unfortunately, the response has been just a blame game, and comprised only of passing the buck. When questioned BBMP officials express sympathy and shock but obviously they had consented to eviction in the first place. Post all the protest that marked the Ejipura eviction the state Ministry of Housing’s response was to assure that no EWS housing project will be undertaken under a public-private partnership model as a joint venture as that ends up in ‘commercial exploitation of social housing project for the poor’. (v) But it rests to be seen as to what extent these are mere empty words. As it has been pointed out that when such housing projects are undertaken housing should be provided to not just allottees but all families.

This urges us to look at the wider picture and brings us to the imperative to question the government’s housing policies for the poor and homeless. How legitimate are all the measure that a government undertakes in the name of urban development? Finally since most of the Ejipura displaced are Dalits, this points to a clear violation of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities Act) 1989. In fact 99 per cent of urban housing shortage in India pertains to the Economically Weaker Sections (EWS) and Low Income Groups (LIG). Unfortunate events like the Ejipura eviction serve as a critical reminder of how highhandedness of the state results in the violation of many constitutional rights most importantly the right to live with dignity.

Notes

i) Mondal, Sudipto ‘Births and Deaths on the footpaths of Ejipura’, The Hindu, July 31, 2013, Bangalore edition.
ii) Mukherjee, Saswati ‘Displaced Ejipura residents cry foul, stage protest’, The Times of India, April 13, 2013, Bangalore.
iii) See ‘Delegation to urge CM to scrap Ejipura Project’, The Hindu, Bangalore, November 7, 2013.
iv) “Return Ejipura slum land to the poor: Activists”, Deccan Chronicle, November 7, 2013.
v) SeeGovernance By Denial: Forced Eviction and Demolition of Homes in Koramangala (Ejipura), Bangalore, (2013) Interim Report of a Fact-Finding Mission, Housing for Land Rights, Delhi and Peoples’ Union for Civil Liberties, Karnataka, March