Friday, November 25, 2016

The Haifa Port: A Mediterranean Gateway

Priya Singh

(Priya Singh is a Research Scholar at the University of Calcutta and a commentator on West Asian Politics. She can be reached at priyasingh70@gmail.com)


"Israel is returning to its historic role, as a transit country, as a bridge between continents, where historic trade routes passed through." *

The Mediterranean has been in the headlines since last year. It has witnessed an assertive Russian policy, instability in the Arab world, which resulted in a massive exodus of refugees via the Mediterranean from the Arab countries to Greece and Italy. Yet, the continuous political instability, together with the economic recession in China, is likely to result in a slower pace in investment in critical infrastructure such as port facilities, in most Eastern Mediterranean countries. Nevertheless, the significance of the region in this age of heightened awareness in the strategic and security aspects of the global maritime field cannot be ignored. Non-state actors now pose a security threat to the region and even though most of the combating occurs on the ground or through aerial bombings, they have proven their capacity to attack naval platforms. Parts of the East Mediterranean sea have been subject to divergent sovereignty claims, over zones of exclusive economic interests (EEZ), e.g., the dispute between Israel and Lebanon and between Turkey and Cyprus.  The recent gas discoveries in the Mediterranean are likely to aggravate existing conflicts over demarcation of maritime borders in the region. Two of the leading fleets in the region, of Israel and Egypt have affirmed major naval acquisitions in 2015. The Israeli public has displayed unparalleled interest in diverse aspects of the sea in recent years, including plans to deepen and enlarge the volume of its existing merchant ports. It is in this context that Haifa, as a port city within Israel assumes significance in terms of offering an access to the Mediterranean.

Haifa (Arabic, Hayfa and Hebrew, Hefa), situated in the North of Israel, a thriving Mediterranean port city, is the third largest city and the main harbour of Israel. In the historical sense, the origins of Haifa date back to around 3,000 years and in terms of literary historiography, the most noteworthy allusion to Haifa is to be found in Theodor Herzl’s Altneuland, a utopian novel written in 1902 wherein Haifa is of immense consequence to the envisaged ‘New Society’ in Eretz Israel (Land of Israel). As a port city, it is the gateway by way of which the principal characters, and with them the readers, are familiarised with the idealistic society in Eretz Israel of the future. In this work of fiction, Haifa is imagined as a perfect urban space, personifying, both in terms of space and in a social context, the intrinsic worth of the idyllic new Jewish society: a fair, progressive, democratic, and multi-ethnic society deeply entrenched in the territory of the ancient land, symbolising both modernity and enlightenment. Haifa’s status as a modern industrialized city reaping benefits out of the globalisation of the twentieth century has shaped its current position and opportunities and in contemporary literature it is perceived as an embodiment of spatial and cultural heterogeneity, diversity and coexistence.

It was in the 1920s that the British Mandate began the construction of a deep water port in Haifa, and in 1933 the port was officially opened. Haifa’s strategic setting prompted the British to opt for it as the site for a number of enterprises that connected Palestine to the rest of the British Empire. The most significant being the Haifa port and the Palestine railways. The Haifa port with its deep-water harbour secured the entrance of the empire to the east, and the passage to the Suez Canal from the north. It also served to connect Europe with Palestine and the Middle East, and was the primary waterway for the transit of both people and cargo. The port personified the spirit of the city and enabled Haifa to flourish. In 1936, the city had a population of over 100,000. The port was a gateway for thousands of immigrants who fled to Israel in the wake of the Second World War. With the Mediterranean as its Western border and the eastern borders quarantined by its Arab neighbours, Haifa provided for a critical gateway to the rest of the world, and facilitated Israel’s emergence as an economic power.

The modern port of Haifa is situated in a natural, safe and sheltered bay as such there is unhindered and unrestricted entry and exit for vessels all through the year. It is in close proximity to the busiest shipping route in the world, from and to the Suez Canal. Its construction and foundation enables the shipping and transportation of all categories of ship and cargo, including docking services for large passenger liners. From the creation of the state of Israel until 2005, the Haifa Port was directly under the control of the Israeli government. In 2005, the government-owned Haifa Port Company became the official port operator. The Port of Haifa has multiple cargo terminals, and is competent to service several ships concurrently.  There is a railroad freight terminal within the port that is used for transporting goods across the country. The Haifa port is regarded as one of the favourite ports of call for the US Navy’s Sixth Fleet; accounting for approximately 50 percent of all its visits in the Eastern Mediterranean region. An average of 20 US warships, as well as aircraft carriers, stopover at the port every year, primarily to exploit the harbour’s highly rated  repair and servicing amenities. One of the unexpected and remarkable consequences of Syrian civil war has been the increasing use of Israel as a passage for trade between Europe and the Arab world.  It makes sense to use Haifa as a hub between Europe and the Arab world as the routes from Haifa in Israel to Jordan, Iraq and even Saudi Arabia are much faster and economical.  In the past, this route was used by the Ottoman and British empires till the creation of the state of Israel.

In 2012, according to a report published by the OECD, (Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development) Haifa’s container port was ranked as the fourth most efficient port in the world. In the same year, the Israel Port Authority proposed and designed an ambitious plan for the expansion of the Haifa port at an estimated cost of approximately 4 billion US dollars. The envisaged plan aims to dramatically alter the appearance of the city and the Haifa bay albeit coming under severe criticisms over concerns regarding its environmental consequences. In May 2015, the Shanghai International Port Group (SIPG) signed an agreement with Israel to develop and run the new Haifa port for the next 25 years. According to the contract, SIPG will invest around 2 billion US dollars in constructing port facilities and installing equipment at the port.
Haifa in present times, like any other urban space within contemporary Israel is dealing with the complexities, ruptures and fault-lines both within the Jewish society and the sizeable Arab minority. The reality is far removed from the envisaged utopia of Herzl’s Altneuland. Yet, Haifa, the port city of Israel is perceived as an enclave that due to its inherent strategic setting epitomizes extraordinary potential, which may not be found in the rest of the Israeli space.  

 *Yael Ravia-Zadok, head of the Middle Eastern Economic Affairs Bureau in Israel’s Foreign Ministry. 


The piece on Haifa (The Haifa Port: A Mediterranean Gateway) has benefited from the research on Kolkata as a Logistical Hub with Special Reference to the Kolkata Port, by Iman Mitra. This research was part of the Calcutta Research Group- Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung research project on A Social Mapping of Infrastructure, Logistics and India’s Look East Policy that was presented at a Research Workshop on 1 September 2016 at Kolkata. The Haifa port has been dealt with in terms of its geo-political setting, history and infrastructure, which is along the lines in which the essay on Kolkata port has been structured. 

Tuesday, November 22, 2016

Homeless Migrants in Mumbai: Life and Labour in Urban Space

Manish K. Jha and Pushpendra

(Manish K. Jha - manishj@tiss.edu and Pushpendra -pushpendra@tiss.edu are with the Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Mumbai).


Introduction

Labour migration from rural to urban areas is a persistent feature in India, where a substantial chunk of the migrants belonging to working classes in cities have no access to dignified housing. They conform to the definition developed by the United Nations considering a homeless person as one having no place as shelter or whose housing fails to meet basic criteria including security of tenure, protection against bad weather and personal security, as well as access to sanitary facilities, potable water, education, work, and health services (Speak and Tipple 2006). On the other hand, at least half of the migrants have become indispensible to the city’s economy by filling-in cheap labour-oriented and unskilled jobs (Mumbai Human Development Report, 2009). Owing to precarious financial conditions, poor migrants in cities are pushed to impoverished lives and homelessness.
The social cost of making Mumbai a global city is starkly evident in rising social inequality, making the disadvantaged sections of the society more vulnerable, and dispossessing the poor in the process (Banerjee-Guha, 2009). The neoliberal state apparatus is coupled with ‘bourgeois urbanism’ (Chatterjee, 2004) that informalises labour, legitimizes low wages, sharpens socio-economic inequalities and institutionalizes displacement, eviction and homelessness for toiling masses. This short paper looks briefly into the issues and experiences of homelessness in the city of Mumbai through empirical studies in different locations.

Life in a Slum: From Dispossession to Illegality

The Shivajinagar slum in M-East Ward has been an abode for evictees, displaced and relocated since 1975 and its majority comprises of victims of urban developmental projects (Bjorkman 2014:43). As an urban periphery, its swampy boundary, juxtaposed Deonar dumping ground and nearby slaughter house made their abode difficult. Indira Nagar, one such illegal settlement, is located adjacent to the dumping ground. Here, makeshift shelters built on marshy lands and garbage heaps are characterized by tarpaulin sheets, tin shades, crowded and filthy lanes, overflowing drains and the overpowering stench from the dumping ground. 
Shafina, a Muslim migrant from UP, lives here with her family in a room of 10 x 12 ft. A single room, unventilated with no electricity connection, serves the purposes of a big family while most of the household tasks are done outside. The family gets water from corporate-run business and pays Rs. 2 for every single use of private toilet. The anti-encroachment drive on an otherwise non-inhabitable land is a customary routine of BMC that demolishes shanties and confiscates all belongings. Facing constant threat of eviction, these shanty dwellers have now been organized against demolitions by NGOs. For them, demolitions and atrocities by Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC) along with a lack of basic amenities are major issues in their everyday lives. Here, the urban subjectivities are produced on the backdrop of processes of capital accumulation and production of urban space.

Conducting Private Life in Public

Binod and Neela, a migrant couple in their 50s, live with their family on the pavements of Mahim railway station. For them, living in full public gaze was incomprehensible earlier, but their habitation and struggles made it routine. This required integration into the “homeless street culture” (Hodgetts et. al. 2012) which exhibits living private life in public and ignoring public gaze. Rajni, a homeless at Cross Maidan, explains her sense of home and homelessness “I am here since the time I was born…the government or the people would look at us as homeless and so we are we are known as homeless.” For them, access to basic facilities is expensive, limited and comes with huge financial burdens. They have to visit nearby ‘pay and use’ toilets and developing networks with shopkeepers and guards as strategies. Urinating is done at public places and they use temporary cloth curtains to cover themselves while taking bath. Rajni explains this to be a normal, non-embarrassing experience. However, if someone stares at her, she shouts and ensures her safety.
For years, Rajni and others on the pavement have kept up the fight to keep it clean. Neela mentioned, “Many a times, drunken men try to molest women. Sometime we catch them and ensure beating but it is difficult to lodge a police complaint because of our ‘illegal’ habitation and it might lead to our insult and humiliation.” Neela’s explanation of two generations on the streets points to the structural aspects of their marginalization that is rooted in the materiality of their social existence.

Homeless Workers of Multinational Brands

The category of homeless migrants is mostly engaged in vulnerable employment, generally characterized by uncertainty and economic insecurity. Typical conditions of precarious employment are low wages, poor protection from termination of employment, lack of access to social protection and benefits, and limited or no ability to exercise human rights at work (ILO 2011). The link between precarious employment and poverty is evident in India, where about 92% of a workforce of 457 million is estimated to be in unorganised sector (Ferus-Comelo, 2014).
A study of a garment manufacturing unit in Dharavi reveals how work, workplace and shelter conjoin to extract the maximum labour from a worker and, at the same time, keep the worker homeless and precariat. The unit takes up work for multinational and big national brands and operates from a two floor chawl. Rooms are of approximately 7 x 5 feet, with walls on three sides and a shutter to lock at night. The staircase, a narrow straight iron ladder, to the upper part of the unit was through a dark, narrow lane which was very difficult to climb. After a few steps a thick rope was found hanging from the roof so that the climber could hold it for safety. The hot and humid room with no ventilation had six workers working at that time in their undergarments.
One end of the room had stitching machines while the other end had folded beds, rolled mats and personal items. This arrangement enabled the workers to use the same space for working as well as living as all of them were poor migrants unable to rent separate living quarters. The Dharavi unit is an example of how present capitalist production relies on supply of cheap labour from the rural sector. Coming from a subsistence sector they lack the capacity to bargain for fair wages and decent working conditions. However, this is hardly an issue for the state in neoliberal times which has unleashed labour reform measures in the interests of capital. Migrant labour unfailingly provides a fertile field to understand the nuances of precariety, insecurity, and struggles in the urban.

Conclusion

Following the economic liberalization and control by economic elites, there has been withdrawal of state from generating employment, providing housing and basic services to many and it has restricted access to affordable housing, services, work spaces, social welfare and participation that can undermine the daily living experiences of these groups and their legitimate access to city spaces. They have been further branded as encroachers, illegal, and defined as the ‘other’. Illustrations through explorations expose the homeless migrants’ everyday encounter with structural violence, which appears as a lowering of basic needs below what is potentially possible (Galtung 1990:292).

References

Banerjee-Guha, S. (2009). Neoliberalising the ‘Urban’: New Geographies of Power and Injustice in Indian Cities, Economic and Political Weekly, XLIV (22), 95-107.
Bjorkman, L. (2014). Becoming a Slum: From Municipal Colony to illegal Settlement in Liberalization- Era Mumbai. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research2014 , 38 (1), 36-59.
Chatterjee, P. (2004). The Politics of the Governed: Reflections on Popular Politics in Most of the World. New York: Columbia University Press.
Ferus-Comelo, A. (2014). Migration and Precariousness: Two Sides of the Contract Labour Coin. Economic and Political Weekly, XLIX (36), 39-47.
Galtung, J. (1990). Cultural Violence. Journal of Peace Research, Vol. 27, No. 3 (Aug., 1990), pp. 291-305.
Hodgetts, D., Stolte, O., Chamberlain, K., Radley, A., Nikora, L., Nabalarua, E., & Groot, S. (2008). A trip to the library: Homelessness and social inclusion. Social and Cultural Geography, 9 (8), 933-953.
ILO. (2011). Policies and Regulations to Combat Precarious Employment. Geneva: International Labour Organisation.
Mumbai Human Development Report 2009 (2010). Municipal Corporation of Greater Mumbai and New Delhi: Oxford University Press.

Speak, S. & Tipple, G. (20060. Perceptions, Persecution and Pity: The Limitations of Interventions for Homelessness in Developing Countries. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 172-188.

Friday, November 04, 2016

Causes and consequences of migration: An Indo Bangla case

Madhurima Chowdhury

(Madhurima works at the Department of South and Southeast Asian Studies, Calcutta University, and can be reached at chowdhury.madhurima@gmail.com)

India has a long and complicated history of migration across eastern border, particularly large scale flows from Bangladesh to India. After India's independence in 1947 it has taken a political dimension, wherein documented and undocumented immigration poses threat to India's national security. India’s with border with Bangladesh is the longest among all the neighbours and West Bengal has always been at the receiving end of the Bangladeshi migrants since 1947. It is tragic fact of history that partition of Bengal was the cruellest partition in the history of the world and brought in unimaginable miseries to millions of the countrymen who had been forced to leave their ancestral homes under compelling circumstances.
Geographically, historically, and culturally, Bangladesh forms the larger and more populous part of Bengal, the remainder of which constitutes the neighbouring Indian state of West Bengal. Just after partition in 1947 massive refugee migration took place and later all illegal migration was considered Indian citizen by Indian government. The most tragic part of history was the partition of Bengal in 1947, which brought about immeasurable sufferings to millions of countrymen who were forced to leave their ancestral home under compelling situations.
Petrapole is situated on the Indian side of Petrapole-Benapole border checkpoint between India and Benapole of Bangladesh near Bongaon in North 24 Parganas district of West Bengal. Petrapole border is the only land port in south Bengal. It is also the largest land customs station in Asia. This check post accounts for more than half of the $4-billion (nearly double the trade volume with Pakistan) trade with Bangladesh. This is the largest land port of Asia. The landport alone accounts for nearly 60 per cent of the bilateral trade between India and Bangladesh. According to study by RITES, the goods traffic is approximately 400 trucks per day both ways, while the 2006 passenger traffic was about 1,159 people per day (both incoming and outgoing). The total traffic in 2029-30 has been projected as 2,938 trucks per day and the passenger traffic by then will be 3,924 people per day. With the remote possibility of improvements in the narrow roads leading to the border, because of land acquisition problems, the focus is now on improving the rail transportation system.
There  are various factors like the economic, political and demographic reasons for Bangladeshi migration. a) Economic push factors that motivated people to leave Bangladesh have been 1) Instability and economic depression in Bangladesh, 2) Poverty, 3) Lack of employment opportunity, 4) Struggle for livelihood, 5)Forced grabbing of landed property from minority group in Bangladesh, 6)Economic insecurity. 7) Lack of industrialization.
b) Another factor motivating migration to West Bengal is demographic disproportion especially for minorities (Hindus) in this densely populated country having roughly a density of 780 per sq km as against half that number on Indian side of the border.
e) Political instability, fear of riots and terrorism in Bangladesh inhuman attitude and activities of the political leaders, domination of religious fundamentalists in Bangladesh worked as push factor, whereas Indian political patronage to the illegal migrants for vote bank has worked as pull factor for Bangladeshi migration.
f) Being cheap labour the Bangladeshis find easy acceptance as “domestic helps” in Indian homes, which keeps proliferating by ever increasing demand for domestic helps.
 g) Geographic proximity, cultural similarity, homo-ethnic climate act as a pull factor for the migrants. The study reveals that migrants contributed to fertility of West Bengal, and the reasons can be attributed to a) illiteracy of migrants b) migration by family, c) unawareness about family planning, d) lack of easy access to scientific family planning method, sexual abuse and unwanted children.
In recent years, various reports and stories have been published in newspapers and magazines in West Bengal dwelling on what is alleged to be illegal migration from Bangladesh into West Bengal. Often such reports and stories are based on hearsay evidence without support of authentic documents. It is true that presence of common border with Bangladesh all across the eastern side of the state has made it administratively impossible to keep track of such migration.
Primary sector like agriculture and forest were overcrowded by the migration flow of low skilled labourers. The agricultural sectors have improved wherever the migrants have settled; since they are hardy and tedious. Household industry, including Bidi, Pottery, Mat, Candle, Kantha Stitch, Ganjee factory, ShantipuriTant etc., has been benefitted since illegal migrants provide cheapest labour. Two factors have worked against local workers: a)  easy availability and readiness and compromising attitude of the migrant worker to work at a very low wage rate, and this is a challenge and threat to local worker, and b) general impression that the migrant workers are more hardworking. Besides, continuous inflow of migrants has aggravated the unemployment problem in the unorganized informal sector.
Deforestation, land grab, trade grab, illegal occupancy of pavement and railway platform by undocumented migrants are creating pressure on natural resources. Continuous inflow of migrants enhanced the pre-existing slum, increased the density of occupants in certain areas, which influenced the water supply, health facility, and education with utter inefficiency. Often, slum owners accommodate 10 people in place suitable for one person. In border areas, disturbances are created so that security becomes at risk. Different political parties in different periods gave those safeguards for which local administration could not impose strict law and order. With the limited resources, fund and administrative officials stated that this problem cannot be solved. Illegal migrants are illegally enrolled in voter list and used as vote banks. Indian politicians have often encouraged Bangladeshi migration to garner their votes. They are forced to involve in various unconstitutional activities at the time of election. Due to lack of good will of political leaders, it is not possible to separate them from original citizens of India.
The study of migration from Bangladesh to India or more specifically to Wwest Bengal is a very formidable task. The deficiency of data, shortage of reliable and authentic information, and the diversity of the issue creates difficulty towards computing the situation properly. Both centre and state governments of India have expressed serious concern over this continuous infiltration from Bangladesh to West Bengal. The government has come forward with various policy prescriptions e.g., border fencing, issuance of identity cards, granting work permits, etc. The West Bengal government has decided to issue identity cards to all residents since immigrants were not restricting themselves to specific districts, to stall illegal migration from neighbouring Bangladesh. The I cards mooted by the state will bear the photographs, name, age, address, educational qualification, and a caste of bonafide resident blood group and a national number. Economic cooperation through bipartite agreement between India and Bangladesh may be the best solution.

Chirantan Kumar, Migration and Refugee Issue between India and Bangladesh, Biannual Publication of Centre for Defence Studies Research & Development, Scholar’s Voice: A New Way of Thinking for Vol. 1, No. 1, January 2009 .  pp. 64 – 82
Joyeeta Bhattacharya, the Diplomat, India: Resolving the Bangladesh Immigration Issue, May 27, 2014
Mohit Ray,Illegal Migration and Undeclared Refugees - Idea of West Bengal at stake, Dialogue,  October-December, 2009 , Volume 11 No. 2



Wednesday, September 14, 2016

Introduction

A little more than a month ago, India celebrated her 70th Independence Day. Whenever we talk of independence of India from British domination, we are reminded of the territorial division of British India into two independent nation states, India and Pakistan. Consequences of partition have been fundamental to the society, economy and polity of the subcontinent, so much so that Ranabir Samaddar has suggested “Partition lives on in post-colonial times to such an extent that we should truly prefer the phrase ‘partitioned times’ to the more common ‘post colonial times.’”[1] The riots that had happened in the subcontinent since 1947, the wars that India and Pakistan had fought and most importantly Kashmir remind us that we all live in the long shadows of partition.

     Nonetheless, in recent years we have witnessed increasingly “apolitical” initiatives to memorialize partition as an event of the past that primarily aim at recording as many eyewitness accounts of 1947 as possible in regions that were directly affected by partition (like West Bengal, Assam, Punjab of Pakistan and India). Such projects, important though for various reasons, iron out the ‘longness’ of partition, as Ravinder Kaur has mentioned in a recent article.[2] Moreover, the tendency is to perceive the interviewees as victims, denying their roles as agents who might have been the perpetrators of violence and most certainly had to negotiate with the governments, family, and locals as refugees or minorities. In the existing academic literature about ordinary peoples’ experiences of partition, the need to perceive the refugees as ‘agents’ was acknowledged quite a few years back. In the recent works on partition, we see more nuances being added as categories like class, region, gender, caste and age are being used to understand the varied experiences of partition. Once we bring in such categories to see how people were negotiating with the government and vice versa, we begin to get glimpses of the complexities of postcolonial governmentality.

     This issue brings together some of the young scholars working on partition now. All of them have primarily focused on the experiences of partition in West Bengal. One article complicates the idea of partition as longue durĂ©e, connecting it with the contemporary riots in various parts of India (a much needed addendum to the memorialization initiatives that we have just mentioned). Instead of treating refugees as a homogeneous mass of people, some of the articles in this issue point towards the varied experiences of ‘colony refugees’ and ‘camp refugees’ and relevance of caste and gender in studying partition. Partition studies in West Bengal have largely focused on the issues of rehabilitation, not giving enough importance to the conditions of the Muslims, the violence they faced after 1947, communal riots and their exodus. By describing the riots of 1950 in Howrah (West Bengal), one article reminds us of these little-discussed areas of partition studies.

My stray thoughts on 1947

Debjani Sengupta
(Debjani teaches English at Indraprastha College, Delhi, and can be reached at debjani62@gmail.com)

The 1947 partition in Bengal is significantly different in its aftermath than the sudden cataclysmic division in Punjab because of a number of historical, social and political reasons. The Bengali literature that is based on the partition’s experiences is therefore also varied and multifarious in its responses to 1947 not simply as an event, but as a metaphor, or a trauma or a site of enunciation for thousands of people living through and resisting communal polarization,migration, rehabilitation and resettlement.Taking a cue from the Annales historians, one can surmise that the partition in the East is the longue durĂ©e rather than the short time of political event/s, where the structures and pluralities of social life under its shadow can be ascertained only through a study of the particular and the local. Even after all these years after Independence (1947), the partition in the eastern part of the subcontinent has been a neglected area, although some recent historiography has drawn our attention to the economic, political and historical issues of decolonization in the region. Unlike the sudden and catastrophic violence that took place in Punjab, enunciated through the metaphors of madness, rape and murder, the Bengal region has seen a slower, although no less violent, effect of the vivisection with the trauma taking a more metaphysical and psychological turn.This is evident when we study the enormously rich and varied literature that partition has produced amongst the Bangla speaking peoples of West Bengal, the Northeast and Bangladesh that has not been studied together in an organic manner; it deserves critical attention because it destabilizes certain assumptions about 1947 just as it demarcates the way geographical areas, not always contiguous, become the theatres of recuperation, mythmaking and sustainability that in turn give rise to different kinds of literary representations. After 1947, the issues of gender, livelihood and labour have had different momentum in the Bangla novels although the issues of status and independence amongst the refugees may be common to narratives both in the East and in the Punjab. Literary imagination plays a vital role in a process of recovery where authors, Hindus and Muslims, undertake to map the contours of the mutilated land in a bid to create a site of belonging, habitation and memory while changing the dynamics of fiction, particularly the form and content of the novel in Bangla that has responded to 1947 in heterogeneous ways. When colonialism and the partition destroyed a sense of belonging to the land, these texts offer a renewed sense of place that contribute to the processes of decolonization and reinstate the ‘human subject’ at a time when it is most dehumanized. As Lacan (and Freud before him) has reminded people, the event of trauma, by its very ambiguous nature, recedes to the background while fantasies based on it overpower individual and collective psyches. The initial trauma of the partition is now distant but its ‘fantasy aspect’ has taken over the subcontinent through the legacy of violence and bigotry. The spectacular dance of death that has begun in the post-partition years has given way to those in recent times like the violence that erupted between the Bodos and Muslims (2012) in Assam or the Muzaffarnagar riots (2014) in UP. There are numerous studies that have looked at the history of conflicts in India so going back to 1947 may seem pointless to some people but not enough has been written about the ways whole communities of people felt, remembered and tried to resist in nonviolent elliptical ways the cataclysmic divisions and growth of sectarian hatred over a long period of time. Even a cursory glance at Bengal’s partition literature lays bare how the vivisection has shaped and moulded the land and people, spanning generations and several geographical sites, through the processes of resettlement, migration, border-crossings and rehabilitation that must be understood as sites of meaning making for the region and in the long run, the postcolonial nation. Literature that deals with these wide ranging issues, written over a long period of time, try to reconstruct the lives of individuals and communities, marginal or elite, whose memories of trauma and displacement had dissociated them from their own life stories. Bangla partition fiction captures the diffusion, through a great degree of self-consciousness, of the longue durĂ©e of continuous migrations and counter-migrations that give refugee-hood a different complexity in Bengal. Reading these imaginative renderings of the diverse facets of the partition becomes therefore an act of creating a literary historiography that are alert to the silences of history, and aware of the ways in which individual and collective memories can be brought into play with each other by studying the micro-history of localities and particular communities. This literary history may not have all the facticity of history but the questions of voice, temporality, lack of closure may say something about the ways in which the partition is remembered by diverse kinds of people. Rather than making a point about the un-representation of partition violence (and there was a great deal of violence in Bengal) Bangla partition texts seem to look at the little histories of people in the margins and use strategies of refraction rather than a simple reflection of conventional realism. Many of them foreground minority (in terms of class and religion) subjectivity, and use fragmentation to index the fracturing of narrative representation that the partition brought in its wake. The less visible and delayed effects of displacement and violence are seen in the family and community spaces that these texts foreground. They give an added dimension to an event, often unspeakable, within the partition and lay bare the notion of how ‘literature’ transforms the actual into the apocryphal and the mythical.

Settling the Bazaar: The Colony Market and the Refugees

Tista Das
(Tista teaches history at Bankura University, West Bengal, and can be reached at das.tista@gmail.com)

This paper focuses attention on a colony in the northern part of Calcutta, the Netaji colony, in the two decades since the Partition. As homes were created, lost and re created on station platforms, camps or squatters’ colonies, the thread of a normal everyday existence was held on to at all costs. The governmental policies of economic rehabilitation were hardly enough to keep this process going. The state functioned on a notion of charity which was necessarily meagre. As the colonies came up, so did the colony markets geared to the needs of the refugees and built by the refugees themselves. There is a need to trace and grapple with the stories of these markets. The narrative becomes layered and rather complex since the markets were not just a source of earning for the refugees or a means of shaping their path of rehabilitation but were also important in establishing the much desired foothold on the right side of the border. The markets would help the refugee shopkeepers belong to the nation. The markets would also become a space for communication, social or political for the community of the refugees. The intervention of the colony committees with all its political implications must be noted. They created spaces in sync with the space of the colonies. Just as the colonies, while creating a space of their own also tried to fit into the nation space – with its history of the nationalist struggle for independence, with the names of national leaders being used to name the colonies and their photographs adorning the walls of the committee offices – so did the markets. The markets became typical of the colonies as did the schools and local temples. As the government tried to fit the refugees into neat pockets by classifying them and creating different economic groups to funnel the programmes of relief in degrees, the refugee leaders refused to be grouped and in their efforts at mobilisation, harped on the umbrella identity of being a refugee, whether of the camps or the colonies. The need, therefore, was to create a midway where the worlds of State charity and of refugee enterprise could meet.

One has to tread this middle ground and trace the narrative of the agency of the refugees in general and the establishment of the refugee markets in particular. Of the many things that being a refugee implied, creating economic networks which could sustain the refugee population in the long run was one. This was especially true of the refugee in the colony because it was he/she who could not depend on State aid and who depended heavily upon these informal networks to earn his/her bread. The colony- refugee was conscious of the resources of the neighbourhood in which he/she had settled down. In many cases, old kinship ties had helped them gain a foothold on the right side of the border. He/she had to be in constant touch with his/her neighbourhood. Unlike the camp-refugee he/she had not lived in some sort of forced isolation. Therefore, his/her hope for survival depended on his/her interactions with the people around. It hardly needs to be mentioned that such interactions were not necessarily friendly interactions. Almost every step outside the colony involved bargaining (on many occasions unpleasant or even bitter) with the world outside. In most cases, the refugee markets that grew up around the colonies did not develop haphazardly with time. They were, rather, settled overnight. The pattern of settlement was similar to that of the colonies themselves. Hurry underlined refugee lives in colonies, unlike life in camps which remained seeped in forced idleness.

II

       In December, 1949, about 20 families were settled in a vacant plot off B.T. Road under the leadership of the Bangali Bastutyagi Samiti.[1]This became the Netaji Colony. The colony soon took the shape of other refugee colonies, with roads running around the community ponds, and thus sprang up a school, a temple and the market. It must be noted that this pattern of settlement which was followed in almost all the colonies was not accidental. It was a set pattern tried and tested in most colonies which became the smaller versions of the villages left behind. Before the establishment of the colony market, the refugee settlers had to go to the Baranagar Bazar nearby to meet their daily requirements. In December, 1950, exactly a year after the colony was established, a colony market was established in one corner of a vacant plot of land adjacent to the colony by the central committee of the colony. A separate fish market was opened when Lakshman Das, Chandrashekhar Bhattacharya and Satish Samaddar brought fish from the wholesale fish market at Patipukur and opened stalls. It must be noted here that the meat business, traditionally dominated by Muslim butchers, did not change its nature even in the colony market. Along with Lakshman Singh was Hedayatullah who opened the meat shop. The threads of continuity defined life in the colony as much as transformations and change. The bazaar became a gated space meant to cater to the needs of the colony on the one hand and to provide employment for the inhabitants of the colony on the other. The colonies presented the picture of plans and organised settlement patterns. If life had meant loss of life and home and an unending journey across borders for a very long time, life in the colony became one of relocation and re-creation of old patterns. Such relocation needed planning and organisation. Life was guided by committees and associations. As the colony had a central committee, so did the bazaar. With time shops changed hands, the hogla leaf ceilings were replaced by tin shades. The market was also extended.  In the decade of the 70’s, another market came to settle itself on the main road outside this colony market. This had its separate committee to look after its affairs. When the road was widened, this market had to resettle itself inside the colony market. A pond was covered up to create the extra space needed and the market became bigger.

      The market became a means of interaction with the world outside the colony. As the market space came to be legitimised and its conspicuous presence became a habit for not only the colony settlers but other local inhabitants, it also came to legitimise the colony settlement in the eyes of these local inhabitants. As the threads were re woven to create an old world, albeit a truncated and incomplete one, the noise of the bazaar had a very important role to play in creating links with a world that was already abuzz and with a life that was already being lived. The colony settlers became a part of the flow. As squatters’ colonies were later recognised by the government as legitimate living quarters through charters usually called the Arpan Patra, the market was also recognised by the municipal authorities. There was a plan to transform this market into a super market but factional squabble quashed the plan. Motish Roy, the local MLA, had been in charge of the committee for long. Later, when Shivapada Bhattacharya became the MLA and the plans to create a supermarket were afloat, there was word that the committee under Motish Roy opposed the plan. The market committee was a politicised unit that created local links. It was through these links that the refugees created their space within the nation that they claimed as their own historically. Even the fights and squabbles helped in making the refugees belong to the space that they had occupied forcefully.   

      Refugee life in colonies was different from the ghettoised existence in camps, which was defined by government surveillance. However, colony life was all about living in a community. It was this that gave one the strength to squat on lands belonging to the government or to private individuals. It was therefore important to ritualise the process of foundation of the efforts. The foundation day of the market was celebrated with programmes of songs and drama (Kabigaan, Yatra, Baul) for a long time. As the establishment of the colony was a political process, the domestic space itself was a political space. The settlement was a story of success in the face of eviction operations by the government as also the landlords’ men. Every story of success had to be celebrated and ritualised to make the colony a legitimate space of living. To create a home, the colony market was needed as was needed the colony school or the colony temple. The buzz of the bazaar provided the sanction for the colony homes.




[1] Sajal Chowdhury, “Netaji Colony Theke Bolchi”, published in 4 installments, in, Dishari, April-July, 2009.  

The Fort of Freedom: A study of ‘Refugeehood’ through the formation of ‘Azadgarh Colony’

Sucharita Sengupta
(Sucharita is a researcher at Calcutta Research Group. She is working with Paula Banerjee on refugee politics in West Bengal as a part of CRG-RLS project on Popular Movements in West Bengal and Bihar. This article is a part of this research. Sucharita can be reached at sucharitaseng@gmail.com)

  In this essay I reflect upon the history charted by persons who were turned into ‘refugees’ or Bastuhara (the homeless) overnight after the independence of India. These colonies were illegal in nature. By not reducing the refugees from East Bengal into victims, this paper will examine the role of refugees in settling themselves in a new society through forming localities of their own by force (Jabardakhal Colony), emerging in the process as an economically productive subject. Azadgarh Colony in this paper is studied closely. It provides a glimpse of the individual negotiations that refugee leaders made in building colonies, their politics in asserting their sphere of influence over a certain area and the political tussle between the left and right wing political parties. We shall rely mostly on the memoir of Indu Baran Ganguly, a firebrand refugee leader who played a decisive role in establishing the Azadgarh Colony. Ganguly was an active member of the undivided Communist Party of India (CPI). He left the party in 1942. But he rejoined the party in 1948, the year when he came to Calcutta with his family as a refugee[1]. The CPI then was trying to build up a strong opposition against the government and the refugee issue provided them with much needed instrument to articulate and mobilize their protests through forming groups and organizations, for instance, the ‘United Central Refugee Council’ in 1950. Ganguly mentions in his memoir that their rebellion against the Congress government in West Bengal embodied a glory that was larger than the pain they bore for the partition. Expressing apprehension on how historians will read partition history and interpret their memories, Ganguly in his memoir states that for him the history of refugee movement in the 50s was not solely of losses. It was instead a history of emancipation and stupendous success of winning over all odds to emerge powerful citizens of a new state.

      Ganguly’s memoir is interesting because it brings out the nuances of clashes among refugees over their political affiliations, the structure of power blocks they formed and using emotions to legitimize forceful occupations of lands. On one hand it reflects negotiations with the locals (in this case Muslims), on the other hand it also tells us about the tensions between neighbouring colonies, different political parties and ideologies. Each colony had an individual committee associated with a political party. For instance, Ganguly mentions that after being part of forming the second squatter colony in Calcutta, the Deshabandhu Nagar Colony in 1949, he was residing in the deserted house of the then prominent Muslim leader and zamindar Ghulam Ali Minar near Tollygaunge in exchange of a rent of Rs.50. The entire neighbourhood belonged to Ghulam Ali and poor Muslims, most of whom shared cordial relations with Ganguly. By this time Ganguly had re joined the CPI and he was being aided by the party to pay the rent. Incidentally CPI was declared illegal in March 1948. The party could not continue to pay the rent for long resulting into a scuffle between Ghulam Ali and Ganguly. Taking advantage of this situation, one group approached him to make false papers to confiscate the entire plot. They tried to evoke anger in him by saying refugees were forced to leave their land in East Bengal for the Muslims and hence ‘snatching’ their land was their right. Ganguly, in his own words, was a man of high morals and could not accept this proposal. It is clear from this narrative that for refugees like him, forming colonies through force in deserted lands was certainly not illegal but making false papers to confiscate the same was. Here Ganguly portrayed his conflict with Ali as an absolutely non-communal one, related solely to the payment of rent. Another day, Santosh Dutta, a fervent supporter of the refugee cause and main architect of the first squatter colony in Calcutta – Bijaygarh- along with Dhirendranath Roy Chaudhury, famously known as Kalabhai came to visit the area Ganguly was residing in. Both were famous freedom fighters and were supporters of the Congress. Apparently, they told Ganguly that they wanted to make the area an extension of the Bijaygarh Colony. On the same evening, he was approached by a rival group of Santosh Dutta, belonging to the Revolutionary Socialist Party (RSP), to build an independent colony there, which will have a new committee with Ganguly as the new President. Ganguly apprehended that giving the plot to Bijaygarh Colony would make Santosh Dutta more powerful and resourceful. Hence Ganguly took up the proposal of forming an independent colony and this is how the ‘Azadgarh Colony’ was formed[2]. These plots of lands were then divided among refugee families on a first come-first served basis in exchange of a rent of Rs. 10. This is the history of the formation of the ‘Azadgarh Colony’[3]. Members of the Azadgarh colony did not compel the Muslims living in the neighbourhood to evacuate the land but members of Bijaygarh colony, as says Ganguly, attacked them and they were forced to flee the entire area. Later, few residents of the Bijaygarh Colony came and helped Ganguly in building the colony and complained about concentration of power and corruption among few leaders within the colony[4]. There were repeated clashes between the Azadgarh and Bijaygarh Colonies and Ganguly himself was attacked by some residents of Bijaygarh mainly because he was a communist and since he formed an independent colony there instead of giving the plot to Bijaygarh[5].
      Although Bijaygarh Colony is in paper the first squatter colony established by refugees, Ganguly rejects this claim owing to the nature of its establishment. He echoes what Prafulla Chakraborty writes in The Marginal men, about the formation of Bijaygarh Colony. Chakraborty says that the Colony was made possible due to the help it received from the government and that Santosh Dutta had taken verbal permission from both Jawaharlal Nehru and Bidhan Chandra Roy before establishing it with the help of Jadavpur Engineering students and Jadavpur Refugee Association. So it cannot be called a ‘jabardakhal colony’ or illegal squatter of the refugees. It was neither illegal nor legal as the tacit support of both Nehru and Roy cannot be denied in establishing Bijaygarh, writes Chakraborty[6]. Uditi Sen writes “the dispute over Bijaygarh’s status” provides insights on the nature of refugee negotiations. It was the passive mode of protests that distinguished the Bijaygarh Colony from the rest. Santosh Dutta was very close to the Bengal Congress and also to a section of the elite Calcutta Society. The fact that Ganguly talked of a ‘secret pact’ between Santosh Dutta and Bidhan Chandra Roy reflected their differences in political outlooks and modes of protests. While colonies like Azadgarh adopted radical modes of protest, Bijaygarh refrained from violent opposition due to its allegiance to the congress and hence the clash between Indu Baran Ganguly, as mentioned in his memoir with leaders of the Bijaygarh Colony was only inevitable[7].







[1] Indu Baran Ganguly, Colonysmriti : Udbastu Colony Pratisthar Gorar Kotha (1948-1954), Kolkata, 1997, pp. 4, 42-43.
[2] Ibid, pp 54-56.
[3] Joya Chatterji, “ ‘Dispersal’ and the Failure of Rehabilitation: Refugee Camp-Dwellers and Squatters in West Bengal”, Modern Asian Studies, Vol. 41, No.5, 2007, pp.995-1032, p.996.
[4] Ganguly, Colonismriti, p.57.
[5] Ibid, p.112.
[6] Prafulla Chakraborty, Prantik Manab: Pashimbange Udbastu Jiboner Kotha (Bengali translation of his Marginal Men), Kolkata, 2013, p.39.
[7]Uditi Sen, ‘Building Bijaygarh: A Microhistory of Refugee Squatting in Calcutta’, in Tanika Sarkar and Sekhar Bandyopadhyay (ed.) Calcutta :The Stormy Decades, New Delhi, 2015, 416-418, pp.410, 411.

Outside the Pail: Refugees beyond Camp or Colony in Post-Partition Calcutta

Kaustubh Mani Sengupta
(Kaustubh teaches history at Bankura University, West Bengal, and can be reached at kaustubh.sengupta@gmail.com)

      This essay looks at the variety of ways the refugees became a part of the urban work-force in post-partition West Bengal. Government schemes could not provide for everyone. The desertion from the government camps is quite well-known. The government was keen to disperse the refugees from the bulging population of Calcutta to avoid a breakdown of the system. But the solution of dispersal faced immense resistance from the refugees and the various refugee organizations. Dispersal and consequent desertion from the camps left the refugees on their own, without any aid from the government. They now had to fend for themselves. What happened to the people who were thus out of the pail of government rehabilitation scheme now? What is the story of those refugees who never went to the camps or were part of the colonies? Through a close reading of the autobiographies of Sadananda Pal and Manoranjan Byapari, I attempt to answer these questions.[1]

Pal was born in a family of potters in East Bengal. He came to West Bengal before his parents migrated. He was supposed to set up the family on this side of the border, and then the entire family would migrate. He, along with his brothers, tried their hand in various trades, but could not establish their business. They were in a better condition than the camp-dwelling refugees, and found a place to stay on the eastern fringes of Calcutta. They had some capital to start a business, knew certain people who could help them. But these were often not enough to sustain them in the new land. Pal, among other things, worked as a tailor, learned to make sweets, hawked betel leaf, set up a stationery shop. He ultimately moved back to his ancestral profession, and started making pots on a small scale. He faltered on these activities, could not learn the tricks of the trade enough to continue with one business. But he kept on trying various ventures to make a living. The urban informal economy gave him the opportunity to try his hands in different jobs. This made him look for other avenues of income. His condition was not as bad as those refugees who had to take shelter in government camps and rely on the doles. On the other hand, he was not a part of the early, mostly upper-caste migrants who could establish colonies in and around Calcutta. He thus occupies an interesting place in the narratives of rehabilitation of refugees in post-partition West Bengal. Government accounts or community-memories do not have room for these individual voices. But they open up a new dimension of the process of rehabilitation where individuals had to negotiate with a range of actors, identities, and situations to make their space.

Byapari was born sometime in 1950-51 in Barishal. He came to West Bengal with his family within a couple of years. From Sealdah station they were sent to Shiromonipur camp in Bankura. But soon they left that camp and went to Ghola Doltala ex-camp site in 24-parganas. Byapari spent a couple of years there. Then he left the camp in search of job. Thus began his wandering life with a variety of vocation and experience of many lifetimes.

Byapari gives detail description of the camps he stayed in. The infrastructure was inadequate to say the least. In Shiromonipur, for more than two thousand refugees there were only two tube-wells to obtain water for drinking. There was a dispensary with one doctor but with hardly any medicine. A primary school was opened but it did not run for long. The residents had to live in tents, there were no huts. The notorious heat of Bankura was life-threatening for them. Child mortality rate was very high in the camp.

After leaving the camp-life, Byapari went on to a number of odd-jobs to survive. Looking for a job, he went to Calcutta, Siliguri, Guwahati, Darjeeling, Lucknow, Kanpur and Dandakaranya. He worked in domestic households and tea-stalls, became a coolie, pulled a rickshaw, assisted a truck driver and a cook, swept floor in a city school. Abject poverty, exploitation of the employer or sheer misfortune pushed him from one place to another. He came back to West Bengal and got embroiled in the extremist politics. He got arrested and was sent to prison.
       
He learnt reading and writing from a fellow prison-inmate. He was fortunate to have a helpful police officer who encouraged in his endeavours. After his release from the prison, he started to pull a rickshaw and a fortuitous encounter with Mahasweta Devi changed the course of his life. She asked him to write in the journal Bartika. He wrote many books subsequently depicting the life and experiences of the dalits.
       
Byapari is conscious of his identity as a dalit refugee. He constantly reminds his readers the injustice and violence he had to face from upper caste people. His depiction of refugee camps shows the wretched condition in which the refugees had to stay. But he clearly makes a distinction between the upper caste and lower caste Hindus who were displaced from East Pakistan. He categorically states that the bhadralok refugees did not want the dalit refugees to stay in the numerous colonies that sprang up in and around Calcutta. While the triumphant narratives of the genesis and consolidation of these colonies are abound in literature now, Byapri’s narrative shed light on the process from an opposite end. He argues that the bhadralok refugees had prior contacts with the government which facilitated their way into the urban life while the lower caste refugees became the victims of the faulty rehabilitation policies of the government and had to languish in the camps.
       
The condition of the government camp forced Byapari to desert it. He eked out his living from various corner of the country. His wandering years were traumatic. But on the other hand his peripatetic life opened up new avenues for him; he had the perseverance to study in jail and then start writing. In a sense, he could overcome the initial difficult years by moving out of the government schemes. While on one hand this shows the failure of the government rehabilitation schemes, on the other it also marks the reconfiguration of identity. While he was supposed to become an agriculturalist according to government classification, his desertion from the camp led him to become ultimately a part of the informal sector of urban labour force.

These narratives point to the limitations of the policies of the government. Byapari and his family left the Shiromonipur camp at Bankura although they had nothing to fall back upon once they came to Calcutta. But they preferred to eke out a living in the city rather than face the hardships in the camp. This desertion can make us think of the countless people who were not accounted for in the government registers. The government had a classificatory scheme, with men and registers at Sealdah station, marking the migrants with their location, profession and caste. But there were lots of people outside this pail of government database, who did not have proper documents to travel. Thus they took other routes. They did not belong to the paper regime of the government. Sadananda Pal travelled to India without any paper. He was successful in going back also, before returning to India with proper visa.

Secondly, if we look at the way these people try to find a job, we realise that they were ready to move beyond their family profession. Pal did not want to become a potter, and in West Bengal he did a range of other things before settling down to make clay pots again. This shows that profession could be changed, people were ready to take up new avenues. Government rehabilitation schemes missed this attitude.




[1] Sadananda Pal, Eka Kumbha:Ek Udvastu Kumbhakarer Matimakha Atmakatha, Kolkata, 2009; Manoranjan Byapari, Itibritte Chandal Jibon, vol. 1, Kolkata, 2012.